Suchergebnisse

Este artigo explora a ambição do Instituto Nacional de Colonização (INC) do regime franquista de refazer o campo através da irrigação e colonização. Centra-se no lado humano deste projecto, argumentando que o esforço de colonização de Espanha foi fundamentalmente fascista no seu objectivo de assegurar o sucesso de um segmento nacionalizado e politicamente leal da população rural. Argumenta que os engenheiros agrícolas do INC se inseriram como autoridades paternalistas no meio rural, gerindo uma porção cuidadosamente escolhida do campesinato. Enquanto o INC trabalhava para iniciar os seus esquemas de colonização em grande escala nos anos 50, procurou determinar que cidades sofriam de um "problema social" causado pelo desemprego dos inquilinos e dos pequenos donos de propriedades, em vez dos trabalhadores sem terra. Apesar da retórica técnica dos engenheiros, com a sua ênfase na produtividade e na racionalização do uso da terra, este artigo demonstrará que certas considerações políticas e morais permaneceram primordiais ao longo de todo o processo. ; This article explores the ambition of the Franco regimes National Institute of Colonization (INC) to remake the countryside through irrigation and settlement. It focuses on the human side of this project, arguing that Spains colonization effort was fundamentally fascist in its aim to ensure the success of a nationalized and politically loyal segment of the rural population. It argues that the agricultural engineers of the INC inserted themselves as paternalistic authorities in the countryside, managing a carefully chosen portion of the peasantry. As the INC worked to begin its large-scale colonization schemes in the 1950s, it sought to determine which towns suffered from a social problem caused by the unemployment of tenants and small-property owners rather than landless laborers. In spite of the technical rhetoric of the engineers, with their stress on productivity and rationalizing land use, this article will demonstrate that certain political and moral considerations remained paramount throughout the process.

In late 1940, the Australian government established Aliens Tribunals and Advisory Committees to ensure that local internees could, if they desired, protest against their internment. Most historians argue that this system of appeals was fundamentally flawed. This general explanation has much to commend it. Even so, the widely‐condemned appeals system requires some contextualisation. This article examines the appeal against internment of one man, Henry Brose, but it also seeks to place the appeals system in the broader context of the Australian government's attempt to balance personal liberty and national security over the course of the Second World War. The purpose of such an approach is not to offer a revision so much as a re‐contextualisation of an appeals system that historians have correctly described as flawed. This article demonstrates that the initial appeals system was certainly undermined by a government motivated by concerns for national security rather than personal liberty. But it also argues that the ongoing attempts of the Australian government to improve and overhaul the appeals system, in the midst of prosecuting an extraordinarily complex global war, suggests a more nuanced story than the one — of hapless victims and travesties of British justice — that has traditionally been told.

ABSTRACT
ObjectivesHealth and social care is an area of high policy importance in the UK. Integration of health boards with local authority provided social care in Scotland in 2016 is a major structural change in delivery of care. Improvements in service and efficiency are expected and indeed required in an era of declining budgets.
Intuitively, health and social care are closely linked, particularly for those with multiple morbidities. However, little is known about the relationship between health and social care services and how usage of one has an impact on the other in terms of outcomes and costs.
The study aims to describe the methods that have been used to analyse the relationship between social care, primary care and secondary care services.
Findings will inform the analysis of a large linked dataset of health care, social care and benefits data that will investigate the interactions between health and social care, multimorbidity and socioeconomic status.
ApproachA Scoping review of literature aiming to identify academic studies that have made an assessment of the relationship between health care and social care.
A search of academic databases will be augmented by a search of grey literature aiming to identify the extent, range and nature of studies. Data will be extracted on populations, study designs, results and recommendations. Results will be visualised in charts alongside a descriptive qualitative synthesis.
ResultsExpected June 2016

This dissertation considers why the Franco regime pursued a policy of rural settlement, known as colonization, supported by irrigation. It argues that the agricultural engineers of the National Institute of Colonization (INC), rather than protecting the rights of landlords and enforcing a regressive status quo in the countryside or enacting a watered down program of land reform to fill for propaganda purposes, inserted themselves as new authorities in the countryside to actively manage the population. In doing this, they manipulated a legacy of irrigation politics inherited from the Regenerationist political movement that arose after the loss of much of Spain's empire in the Spanish American War. The Franco regime took a romantic vision of the power of public works projects to incorporate citizens into the nation and sought to ensure the existence of a limited number of upwardly mobile, politically loyal subjects in the countryside. This project subtly changed over time: in the immediate post- Civil War period, the tenancy laws of the regime along with the settlement projects of the INC rewarded politically loyal peasants and stabilized population of towns under the aegis of maximizing production. Laws passed in 1946 and 1949 gave the INC much more scope for action and a Keynesian rationale for large-scale state investment to improve productivity (as a per-capita measure) was introduced. Nevertheless, the INC prioritized obedience and political loyalty over its stated goal of helping colonists become economically independent.This dissertation takes a bottom-up approach to the regime's ideology borrowed from environmental history. It demonstrates that the regime's modernization plans kept its early political principles in mind, but also suggests the limits to these plans in their pretensions to control. These claims are based on research into the plans and correspondence of the INC in its own archives as well as that of the coordinating office of the Plan Badajoz.

Defense Energy Seminar ; Many people fear that a hostile foreign oil producer will be able to damage Americans and, for that reason, think that the U.S. government should ensure U.S. access to oil. But a foreign government cannot cause Americans to line up for gasoline. Only price controls imposed by U.S. governments can do that, which is what they did in the 1970s. A hostile foreign oil producer cannot inflict more than a small amount of harm on Americans by refusing to sell oil to Americans, unless this oil producer is willing to cut its own output. If a hostile foreign oil producer maintains output but cuts exports to the United States, it initiates a game of musical chairs in which the number of chairs equals the number of players. Different buyers will be linked with different sellers, with a cost to Americans of only about $1 per person per year. The only way a foreign oil producer can harm Americans is by cutting output, but that producer will then harm itself and will also harm all oil users, not just U.S. consumers. This harm is likely to be well under 0.5 percent of U.S. GDP. Ironically, war for oil could well drive the price of oil higher, not lower, thus costing Americans twice: as taxpayers and as oil users.