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It seems politics invades everything. We can rarely think of any activity, any building, any human-to-human interaction and not see some political dimension infiltrating and shaping it. And this very interpretation, in its language of invasion and infiltration, implies that politics' ubiquity is not necessarily a wanted accomplice in our human world. Nonetheless, its presence is expected, its strategic intentions acknowledged and negotiated. What is interesting is that persona—at least as it has been explored and defined in Persona Studies so far—always has a political dimension. It has been identified as a strategic identity, a form of negotiation of the individual in their foray into a collective world of the social (Marshall and Barbour). Persona is a fabricated reconstruction of the individual that is used to play a role that both helps the individual navigate their presence and interactions with others and helps the collective to position the role of the individual in the social. Persona is imbued with politics at its core. In this issue of Persona Studies, we explore political persona, a characterisation roiled in redundancy if our definitions above are adopted. The essays gathered in this collection debate these definitional affinities, and augment and nuance many other dimensions that help delineate what constitutes political persona. In this introductory essay, we will use the collected work on political persona that is developed in this issue to better define political persona. But before we evaluate and identify the intersections of our contributors' work, we want to begin our exploration with what makes political persona constitutively different today than in the past. Can we identify through some of the most prominent political personas—Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, and Bernie Sanders in the United States' 2016 Presidential campaign, for example—and through a study of a major political event—Brexit in 2016 in the U.K.—whether something has shifted and changed in these cultures?

Older gay black men living with HIV and AIDS have been and continue to be an invisible part of the research landscape in South Africa, with the focus being on the younger LGBTQI+ cohort. Furthermore, aging and health care concerns of this population are 'swept under the carpet' due to stigmatization and homophobia. This qualitative study explored the aging and health-care experiences of older gay black men in a selected township in the Cape Metropole, with the purpose of finding strategies to deal with their real life concerns. The first author utilized in-depth interviews with 15 participants, 10 of which were a sample of self-identified gay men, aged between 43-77 and drawn from a selected township in the Cape Metropole in South Africa. Five health professionals working at the local clinic were also interviewed. Interviews were audio-recorded in the language of the participants (isiXhosa) and transcribed verbatim. They were then translated from isiXhosa to English before a thematic analysis was undertaken. One of the key findings of the study was that health-care professionals, particularly nurses at a local clinic, are stigmatizing older black men who are living with HIV and AIDS. This is exacerbated by the rejection by their families and the death of their life partners which leads to isolation, loneliness and depression. Due to comorbidities, COVID-19 has led to some participants passing away. Training of health-care professionals should be prioritized by social workers and workshops should be held in the township to educate families of older LGBTQI+ people on their aging concerns.

At the time of South Africa's transition to a constitutional democracy in 1994 the African National Congress (ANC) government inherited a deeply divided racially-based social welfare service system. Accordingly, the first priority of the newly elected government was to develop social policies to address the inequalities resulting from the apartheid period and to redirect resources to previously disadvantaged groups, especially black South Africans, since the white community had been the main beneficiaries of specialised professional services and institutional care (Bozalek, 1999; Follentine, 2004; Orner, 2003; Sevenhuijsen, Bozalek, Gouws Minnaar-McDonald, 2003a; Republic of South Africa, 1997). The ANC's election manifesto, its Reconstruction and Development (RDP) policy, had committed the government to a number of strategies to meet people's basic needs and to alleviate poverty and inequality, among them were employment creation; a living wage for all citizens; the democratisation of state structures; housing provision; and land redistribution (Republic of South Africa, 1994). The Constitution reinforced these commitments in its recognition of socio-economic rights, including the rights to adequate housing, health care, food, water, education and social security. The Human Rights Commission and other independent bodies, such as the Gender Commission, were set up by the Constitution to monitor human rights violations. There were expectations that social services would deliver on the social and economic rights outlined in the South African Constitution (1996) within the available resource constraints (Republic of South Africa, 2006).