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Three decades of discourse on rising emerging nations have failed to produce a theory of emerging multinational-led emancipation. This paper draws on the case of Huawei in China and the European Union (1987–2020) to theorize multinationals' role in writing back an emancipating imaginary from the Global South to the Global North. Combining postcolonial theory of the multinational as a hybrid space, and a post-Gramscian lens on the multinational as a counter-hegemonic agent, I theorize the multinational as a "writing-back myth-prince." The lens of a multinational as a writing-back agent and space from the global south radically broadens the emancipatory potential of the key postcolonial concept mimicry. It also affords a view on emancipation beyond the opposites and distincts of very different subject positions in the Global South and North. I identify four writing back phases, each of which involves the political and fantasmatic articulation of an emancipating imaginary from the Global South. I develop critical explanations of the four writing back phases, insofar as they reproduce inequality, disenfranchisement and oppression, and weaken the multinational as a space and agent of hybridity rather than essentialism.

Purpose This paper aims to provide advanced market managers in Europe, the USA or Japan with a long-term framework to prepare for and seize emerging market innovation opportunities. Design/methodology/approach This paper is based on eight years of studying emerging market innovation opportunities, how to prepare for them and how to seize them. This study mainly draws on experiential learning in the automotive sector, particularly in China. Findings The framework details the strategic co-evolution of advanced market firms, emerging market governments, customers and competitors through four stages of innovation. Emerging markets such as China and India at different stages, depending on the national context of development as well as the particular market context. Research limitations/implications This research is primarily based on cases in the automotive sector. Challenging the ongoing assumption of superior advanced market innovation, this paper contributes to insights on the new innovation world order and how to invest in emerging market innovation opportunities. Practical implications The framework helps advanced market managers identify the strategic stage they are in, depending on the emerging market context. It provides them with long-term strategic insights, helping them anticipate moves and countermoves by emerging market governments and competitors, as well as anticipate the rapidly shifting needs of emerging market customers. Originality/value The four-stage framework brings together advanced market firms, emerging market governments, customers and competitors in a clear big picture. It conditions emerging market success in the even bigger picture of advanced market firms drawing on their learning in emerging markets in stages 3 and 4 to accelerate the renewal of their core business. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Three decades of discourse on rising emerging nations have failed to produce a theory of emerging multinational-led emancipation. This paper draws on the case of Huawei in China and the European Union (1987–2020) to theorize multinationals' role in writing back an emancipating imaginary from the Global South to the Global North. Combining postcolonial theory of the multinational as a hybrid space, and a post-Gramscian lens on the multinational as a counter-hegemonic agent, I theorize the multinational as a "writing-back myth-prince." The lens of a multinational as a writing-back agent and space from the global south radically broadens the emancipatory potential of the key postcolonial concept mimicry. It also affords a view on emancipation beyond the opposites and distincts of very different subject positions in the Global South and North. I identify four writing back phases, each of which involves the political and fantasmatic articulation of an emancipating imaginary from the Global South. I develop critical explanations of the four writing back phases, insofar as they reproduce inequality, disenfranchisement and oppression, and weaken the multinational as a space and agent of hybridity rather than essentialism. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Digitalization, that is, organizational renewal through new information and communication technologies, has long been invested with a fantasmic logic of affording alternative organizational ideals – democratic and not-for-profit rather than hierarchical and for-profit. Responding to calls to study the darker side of Silicon Valley inspired utopia, this paper investigates how and when organizational work on digitalization fantasies undermines organizational ideal renewal. In particular, this paper draws on the extended case of Alternative Bank (1963–2019) to shed light on how the long-term co-evolution of fantasy sublogics and power types in successive digital transformation projects induces organizational ideal reversal. I provide a theoretical model of how organizational ideal reversal comes about through the co-evolutionary conditioning of 'have your cake and eat it' affordances, mimetic neglect of real ethical affordances, and structural transgression of the ideal in the name of market and technical discipline. Ideal reversal occurs through consecutive phases of unwitting ideal transgression, followed by increasingly cynical and instrumentalizing transgression, and finally a cathartic moment of liberating ideal reversal. I advance several theoretical propositions on how digital fantasy work induces organizational ideal reversal, situating the dark side of fantasy work within a larger societal critique.

Digitalization, that is, organizational renewal through new information and communication technologies, has long been invested with a fantasmic logic of affording alternative organizational ideals – democratic and not-for-profit rather than hierarchical and for-profit. Responding to calls to study the darker side of Silicon Valley inspired utopia, this paper investigates how and when organizational work on digitalization fantasies undermines organizational ideal renewal. In particular, this paper draws on the extended case of Alternative Bank (1963–2019) to shed light on how the long-term co-evolution of fantasy sublogics and power types in successive digital transformation projects induces organizational ideal reversal. I provide a theoretical model of how organizational ideal reversal comes about through the co-evolutionary conditioning of 'have your cake and eat it' affordances, mimetic neglect of real ethical affordances, and structural transgression of the ideal in the name of market and technical discipline. Ideal reversal occurs through consecutive phases of unwitting ideal transgression, followed by increasingly cynical and instrumentalizing transgression, and finally a cathartic moment of liberating ideal reversal. I advance several theoretical propositions on how digital fantasy work induces organizational ideal reversal, situating the dark side of fantasy work within a larger societal critique. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Strategy is the entrepreneurial quest to gain a sustainable competitive advantage. Firms' dependency on States during systemic economic crises underscores the need to redefine "sustainable". At periodic intervals, States have to tackle the democratic deficits that spill over from market failures. States hereby support those entrepreneurs that propose democratic solutions most sustainable from the viewpoint of power holders. State support changes the long-term structure of competitive advantage. Accordingly, I redefine strategy as the quest to provide State-sanctioned entrepreneurial responses to democratic deficits. Drawing on historical evidence of English building societies, I demonstrate how entrepreneurial responses that befit State power holders most in face of democratic grievances, are structurally advantaged, be it through fiscal, regulatory or political means. A combination of strategically and fortuitously accumulated State support allowed building societies to leave behind other members of the friendly society movement during the period 1875-1945, only to reproduce this feat with clearing banks in the 1960s and 1970s. I analyse how building societies' competitive advantage foundered as they failed to adapt to the changing geopolitical framework of British State sanction. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

In this paper we argue that mature political democracies require an agonistic form of populism in order to function. Agonistic populism counters technocratic apathy and instrumental reductionism and provides democracies with discursive legitimacy for the expression of antagonisms. We draw on the exemplary case of Brexit to show how the long-term suppression of English populism by an all-conquering British imperial discourse, and the hegemony of technocratic solutions in Europe, transformed populism's potentially virtuous agonistic effects into an often anachronistic, toxic and ill-directed ressentiment against the European Union. We call upon management scholars to focus on how popular ressentiment can be used as a force for good in two ways: (1) by contributing agonistically to an alternative, emotionally founded discourse about England, the European Union and a new popular civilizational project that could bind them; and (2) by inducing the creation of collective moral categories embraced across the elite/non-elite divide in the image of the post-World War II National Health Service. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

In this paper we argue that mature political democracies require an agonistic form of populism in order to function. Agonistic populism counters technocratic apathy and instrumental reductionism and provides democracies with discursive legitimacy for the expression of antagonisms. We draw on the exemplary case of Brexit to show how the long-term suppression of English populism by an all-conquering British imperial discourse, and the hegemony of technocratic solutions in Europe, transformed populism's potentially virtuous agonistic effects into an often anachronistic, toxic and ill-directed ressentiment against the European Union. We call upon management scholars to focus on how popular ressentiment can be used as a force for good in two ways: (1) by contributing agonistically to an alternative, emotionally founded discourse about England, the European Union and a new popular civilizational project that could bind them; and (2) by inducing the creation of collective moral categories embraced across the elite/non-elite divide in the image of the post-World War II National Health Service.

In this paper we argue that mature political democracies require an agonistic form of populism in order to function. Agonistic populism counters technocratic apathy and instrumental reductionism and provides democracies with discursive legitimacy for the expression of antagonisms. We draw on the exemplary case of Brexit to show how the long-term suppression of English populism by an all-conquering British imperial discourse, and the hegemony of technocratic solutions in Europe, transformed populism's potentially virtuous agonistic effects into an often anachronistic, toxic and ill-directed ressentiment against the European Union. We call upon management scholars to focus on how popular ressentiment can be used as a force for good in two ways: (1) by contributing agonistically to an alternative, emotionally founded discourse about England, the European Union and a new popular civilizational project that could bind them; and (2) by inducing the creation of collective moral categories embraced across the elite/non-elite divide in the image of the post-World War II National Health Service.