¿Es la integración económica, política y social un mandato jurídico en Latinoamérica? ¿Es dicha integración una de las promesas centrales del derecho constitucional contemporáneo de la región? La respuesta rápida es: sí. Para demostrar por qué y para qué, en esta monografía se han creado y analizado taxonomías que explican cada una de las normas relevantes para consolidar un espacio supranacional a partir de las disposiciones existentes en 36 constituciones de las Américas y el Caribe. Con especial énfasis en el caso y la experiencia suramericana, se contextualiza y se reconstruye el origen histórico de estas normas, la función técnica que cumplen y su condición de disposiciones aspiracionales. En las últimas décadas, América Latina ha avanzado en la construcción de un espacio supranacional común, precisamente por haber despertado otras cláusulas durmientes, las democráticas y de derechos fundamentales. El aporte nuclear de esta investigación consiste en señalar la posibilidad de despertar y dotar de eficacia a las cláusulas de integración regional "profunda", es decir, la integración económica, política y social como elemento cohesionador de un derecho commune y transformador para la región. Como alternativas para despertarlas, se propone que estas sean interpretadas mediante un criterio pro integratione así como adaptar algunos mecanismos de las experiencias integradoras de Europa, África y Asia. ; Is economic, political, and social integration a legal objective in Latin America? Is integration one of the central promises of contemporary constitutional law in that region? The quick answer is yes. To demonstrate the reason for and purpose of integration, this dissertation offers a set of taxonomies of thirty-six constitutions of the Americas and the Caribbean for the object of illustrating and analyzing those norms that contemplate the creation of a supranational space. With a special focus on the South American experience, this work aims at contextualizing and reconstructing the historical origins of these ...
El trabajo de la historiadora y archivista Victoria San Vicente Tello ha sido pilar no sólo para conocer el proceso de conformación del Centro de Información Gráfica en el Archivo General de la Nación, sino para comprender la evolución de esta dependencia desde los ochentas hasta nuestros días. Gracias a su capacidad organizativa logró conjuntar su pasión por la historia con la archivística. Su trabajo contribuyó a capacitar y profesionalizar al personal del AGN, en tanto se elaboraba la Guía General del Archivo General de la Nación, instrumento de consulta básica, donde logró unir esfuerzos para preservar la memoria documental del país.
In the contemporary United States, nonprofits serve as central conduits of urban reform and welfare provision including legal, health and job assistance for racialized neighborhoods. Despite the salience of nonprofit organizations in urban politics, few academic analyses investigate their crucial political work. My work critiques normative academic and popular understandings of nonprofit organizations as ahistorical and nonpolitical service providers fundamentally delinked from the state. In contrast, my dissertation examines how nonprofits operated as a critical technology that intensified the state's relationship to urban racialized communities in the mid 20th century. Based on over two years of ethnographic fieldwork in the Fruitvale district of Oakland, CA and archival research in four different sites, I argue that nonprofit organizations are a powerful vehicle in the remaking of contemporary racial subjectivities and citizenship. As critical community-routed organizations, they negotiate how urban racial subjects relate to the state and social movements.This project probes the material and political consequences of discourses of benevolence in state, nonprofit, and social movement projects. By focusing on projects professing compassion, I unsettle dominant academic frameworks that overwhelmingly focus on two problematics regarding race making: 1) the state as a monolithic entity monopolizing all modes of power; and 2) the attribution of intentional violence to projects of race making. I advance the "politics of care" as an analytic for understanding contentious projects of urban improvement normalized as benevolent acts of kindness. Academic debates typically construct welfare as the privileged site of state projects. In contrast, my conceptualization of the "politics of care" attends to the role of the state and the work of non-state actors such as nonprofit health clinics, legal-aid centers, and community development corporations. Far more than mere service providers, nonprofits enact diverse techniques of government that target specific racial identities and populations.My findings reveal that nonprofit organizations are a productive site of power in contemporary urban racialized communities like Fruitvale. Nonprofits engaged in multiple sites/acts of production that have spatial, demographic, as well as political effects. First, they build extensive patronage networks that cohere Fruitvale residents as a united Latino "community" despite the existence of diverse and often competing factions along class and nationality. By producing this community as a target of projects of improvement and care, nonprofits also link Fruitvale with fiscal patrons outside the geographical confines of the neighborhood. Second, they market the neighborhood as Latino and produce representations of Latinidad that are architecturally and aesthetically visible in the urban form. Third, nonprofit-mediated projects demarcate Latinos from other racial groups and politicize the neighborhood as a haven for immigrant rights and in so doing link residents with constricted citizenship to alternative avenues of belonging. My study fills an important gap in the social movement literature by demonstrating the diversity of 1960s Chicano mobilizations, how they related to African American movements, Asian American experiences, and how this translated into contemporary political formations. Furthermore, my dissertation troubles academic and popular conceptions of Oakland as a Black/White city. This move remaps Latino Studies scholarship into less traditional areas of inquiry outside the metropoles of Los Angeles and Chicago.
AbstractHistorical studies of the War on Poverty have overwhelmingly focused on its consequences in African American communities. Many studies have grappled with how War on Poverty innovations co-opted a thriving African American social movement. This paper explores the impact of War on Poverty programs on the development of a political cadre of Mexican American grassroots leaders in Oakland, California. It investigates how coordinated 1960s protests by Mexican American organizations reveal Oakland's changing racial/ethnic conditions and shifting trends in the state's relationship to the urban poor. It demonstrates how a national shift to place-based solutions to poverty devolved the "problem of poverty" from the national to the local level and empowered a new set of actors—community-based organizations—in the fight against poverty. This essay argues that the devolution of federal responsibility for welfare provided the political and institutional opening for the rise of powerful Mexican American organizations whose goal was the recognition of a "Mexican American community" meriting government intervention. This essay also demonstrates how Mexican American organizations mobilized in relation to African American social movements and to geographies of poverty that were deemed exclusively Black.
