Suchergebnisse
Filter
24 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
Gendering European politics: A story of Progress and Backlash
In: Journal of European integration: Revue d'intégration européenne, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 511-517
ISSN: 1477-2280
Germany as 'a country of integration'? The CDU/CSU's policies and discourses on immigration during Angela Merkel's Chancellorship
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 48, Heft 2, S. 461-481
ISSN: 1469-9451
Gendering European politics: a story of progress and backlash
In: Journal of European integration, Band 43, Heft 4, S. 511-517
ISSN: 0703-6337
World Affairs Online
United in diversity?: Europarties and their individual members' rights
In: Journal of European integration, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 487-505
ISSN: 0703-6337
World Affairs Online
United in diversity? Europarties and their individual members' rights
In: Journal of European integration: Revue d'intégration européenne, Band 41, Heft 4, S. 487-505
ISSN: 1477-2280
United in diversity? Europarties and their individual members' rights
In: Hertner , I 2018 , ' United in diversity? Europarties and their individual members' rights ' , Journal of European Integration . https://doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2018.1513500
At a time when most national parties in Europe are losing members, parties at the European level, or Europarties, have introduced membership for individuals. This article is the first to investigate, compare, and explain the individual membership of Europarties. It focuses on the rights of the individual members to participate in the formulation of policies and the selection of leadership candidates. For this purpose, the article develops an index that charts the participatory rights. In doing so, it highlights a high degree of variation between the Europarties. It argues that these differences can be explained through a combination of four factors: the Europarties' electoral successes; the attitudes of the national member parties towards individual membership; the motivation and activism of the individual members; and Europarty funding rules. The article argues that if Europarties want to be seen as 'real' parties, they should grant their grassroots members real participatory powers.
BASE
Is it always up to the leadership? European policy-making in the Labour Party, Parti Socialiste (PS) and Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD)
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 21, Heft 3, S. 470-480
ISSN: 1460-3683
This article analyzes and compares the politics of European policy-making within the British Labour Party, the Parti Socialiste (PS) and the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) between 1997 and 2012. We know that party leaders have assumed much autonomy in the making of European policy, but, as with policy-making in any area, their autonomy is constrained and sometimes even questioned by other parts of the party. In order to establish how they are constrained, and what factors increase the level of constraint, this study explores the roles played by four party actors in the making of European policy: conferences, national executive committees, Members of Parliament and Members of the European Parliament. This article, which is based on over 35 interviews with EU experts from the three parties, confirms that European policy was generally made by the party leadership. Other party actors, however, were able to influence the leadership on a small number of occasions. The extent of their influence depended upon the polity, party, policy and politics.
Are European Election Campaigns Europeanized? The Case of the Party of European Socialists in 2009
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 46, Heft 3, S. 321-344
ISSN: 1477-7053
AbstractIn the past, European election campaigns have been fought primarily at national level, organized and led by national parties. The European political parties had neither the financial nor the organizational means to lead pan-European election campaigns. The June 2009 elections, however, highlighted a different and potentially significant trend: new EU regulations provided for the direct financing of European political parties, allowing them to campaign directly in the elections. It is argued that these developments could lead to the Europeanization of European elections campaigns. This article applies the concept of Europeanization to the election campaigns of the Party of European Socialists and three of its member parties: the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party and the German Social Democrats, creating an ideal-type model of Europeanization. It concludes that in the three cases Europeanization is still in its infancy.
Are European Election Campaigns Europeanized? The Case of the Party of European Socialists in 2009
In: Government & opposition: an international journal of comparative politics, Band 46, Heft 3, S. 321-345
ISSN: 0017-257X
REZENSIONEN
In: Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft: IPG = International politics and society, Heft 4, S. 251-254
ISSN: 0945-2419
Beyond New Labour. The Future of Social Democracy in Britain
In: Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft: IPG = International politics and society, Heft 4, S. 251-254
ISSN: 0945-2419
In Search of Social Democracy. Responses to Crisis and Modernisation
In: Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft: IPG = International politics and society, Heft 4, S. 251-254
ISSN: 0945-2419
Interpreting toxic masculinity in political parties: A framework for analysis
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 743-754
ISSN: 1460-3683
The term 'toxic masculinity' (TM) was coined in the 1990s by sociologists and psychologists. It has since been appropriated by scholars and commentators interested in gendered behaviours, policies and outcomes in politics. However, despite the attention belatedly being paid to masculinities as part of that research, the analysis of, specifically, TM's part in shaping political practices remains underdeveloped. This article proposes a move in this direction by designing a conceptual framework for exploring TM inside political parties. We adapt findings from the original TM literature to generate a series of indicators of TM spanning the vital realms of party political activity: its policy positions, accompanying discourse and the formal and informal practices – often behind the scenes – that express the party's values, broader ethos and outlook. We then test the framework using a paired comparison of two parties of the populist right where we might expect to see relatively high levels of TM: the Alternative for Germany and the UK Independence Party. Our empirical findings give us confidence that drawing on the concept of TM can provide us with novel insights into the interplay between masculinity and political party cultures. We also hope that it will inspire a significant body of new research into TM in political parties from across the party spectrum as well as globally.
Interpreting toxic masculinity in political parties: A framework for analysis
The term 'toxic masculinity' was coined in the 1990s by sociologists and psychologists. It has since been appropriated by scholars and commentators interested in gendered behaviours and outcomes in politics. However, despite the attention belatedly being paid to masculinities as part of that research, our appreciation of, specifically, toxic masculinity's part in shaping political practices remains underdeveloped. This article proposes a move in this direction by designing a conceptual framework for exploring toxic masculinity inside political parties. We adapt findings from the original toxic masculinity literature to generate a series of indicators of toxic masculinity spanning the policy and discursive aspects of party political action. We then test the framework using a paired comparison of two parties of the populist right where we might expect to see relatively high levels of toxic masculinity: the Alternative for Germany and the UK Independence Party. Our empirical findings give us confidence that drawing on the concept of toxic masculinity can provide us with novel insights into the interplay between masculinity and political party cultures. We also hope that it will inspire a significant body of new research into toxic masculinity in political parties from across the party spectrum as well as globally.
BASE