AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT STUDIES SINCE WORLD WAR II, GOING FROM WHAT THE AUTHOR CHARACTERIZES AS A SHIFT FROM A POLITICAL SCIENCE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, UNDERPINNED BY THE TENETS OF MODERNIZATION THEORY, IN THE 1960'S, TO A POLITICAL SCIENCE OF POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT EMPHASIZING A PUBLIC POLICY APPROACH IN THE LATE 1970S.
"This book evaluates the current state of world (dis)order at a time of growing populism, nationalism and pandemic panic. It distils the implications of the 'civilisational state' for world order. The retreat of US leadership is mirrored by the decline of both the material and normative liberal multilateral infrastructure it supported. Meanwhile, the rise of China as a putative hegemonic challenger is accompanied in political, economic and cultural terms by other emerging powers no longer bound to the norms of 20th century world affairs, notably Turkey, India, China and Russia. By emphasising a cultural lens of analysis alongside robust political and economic analysis, the author offers a prescriptive agenda for the coming post-pandemic age that recognises new powers of civilisational, state and hybrid non-state actors. Without overestimating their probabilities, he outlines prospects and preconditions for effective inter-civilisational dialogue and proposes a series of minimal conditions for a multilateral 'reset'. This book will appeal to the world's public and private decision-makers, the media, the educated lay public and civil society actors interested in the rise of civilisational politics and its possible consequences for world affairs. It will particularly interest students and researchers in such fields as politics, international relations, international political economy, geopolitics, strategic studies, foreign policy and social psychology"--
This book examines development theory from a political persepctive. It considers modernisation theory and public policy, as well as Marxism, the state, and the third world.
This article offers an analysis of the role of culture in the European Union's external relations. Firstly, it traces the institutional evolution of the cultural policies implemented by the EU in its external relations. It picks up on the distinction between cultural diplomacy and international cultural relations. Secondly, the limits of the EU's strategic approach to culture in external relations are illustrated, with particular attention given to the consequences of changes in the international system and the organisational and legal limits of supranational action in cultural relations. The paper demonstrates how the current global context is not conducive to the deployment of culture in international relations as envisioned in the EU strategic approach. We argue that without a strengthening of its normative spirit and traditional liberal-cum-internationalist approach, the EU has little chance of achieving international cultural relations based on a participatory and argumentative approach aimed at achieving global solidarity. More likely is a cultural diplomacy understood as a form of public diplomacy and characterised by strategic communication supportive of the EU's increasingly geo-political agenda.
The European Union's (EU) universities and their provision of higher education (HE) to international students remains one of its most powerful global development and cultural assets. The EU operates a wide-ranging set of strategies to assist Africa in enhancing the quality and quantity of its HE. But an 8% average enrolment rate across all sub-Saharan African nations is still much lower than the average of 20-40% for all other developing regions. Currently, only one percent of total African GDP is spent on higher education. Africa will not grow its graduate labour force relying solely on its public universities and/or public support from international bodies like the EU. International private provision must play a greater role. Yet EU's strategy towards HE in Africa fails to understand or to engage the private sector to help grow the number of Africans undertaking tertiary study. There has been no effort to learn from the success of international private provision in Asia. This study identifies the benefits and opportunities of international private provision and proposes a set of next steps as part of a targeted 'strategy of engagement' for greater international private involvement in higher education in Africa. The EU currently does not, but needs, to play a role in these next steps.
Reform of the multilateral trade regime is not simply a second order problem within a wider economic crisis. The completion of the Doha Round may be a second order question but the global trade regime faces a series of broader systemic challenges beyond the completion of the current negotiations. This paper identifies five challenges: (i) a marked reduction in popular support for open markets in major OECD countries; (ii) the stalling of a transition from one global economic equilibrium to another; (iii) a lack of clarity and agreement on the agenda and objectives for the WTO as we move deeper into the 21st century; (iv) the demand for fairness and justice in the governance of the WTO'the 'legitimacy' question and (v) the rise of regional preferentialism as a challenge to multilateralism. Failure to address these challenges will represent not only a fundamental question for the future of the WTO as the guarantor of the norms and rules of the global trade regime specifically, but also the ability to establish greater coherence in global economic governance overall when its need is arguably greater than at any time since the depression years of the 20th century inter-war period.
