Search results

AbstractObjectiveAlthough studies have linked Christian nationalist beliefs with greater emotional distress, little is known about the potential underlying mechanisms or subgroup variations. Informed by the strain‐struggles‐distress model and the concept of structural amplification, we tested whether religious/spiritual (R/S) struggles mediate and moderate the association between Christian nationalist beliefs and emotional distress.MethodsRegression models were conducted on national survey data collected in 2021 (n = 1704).ResultsResults suggested that respondents who reported stronger Christian nationalist beliefs also tended to report higher levels of R/S struggles, anger, and psychological distress. Mediation analyses revealed significant indirect effects of Christian nationalist beliefs on emotional distress through R/S struggles. Moderation analyses also indicated that the effects of Christian nationalist beliefs on emotional distress were amplified at higher levels of R/S struggles.ConclusionIn support of the strain‐struggles‐distress and structural amplification models, we find that the adverse emotional impacts Christian nationalism are explained and intensified by the cognitive vulnerabilities of R/S struggles.

Abstract
We use data drawn from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 Cohort to study the effects of leaving school in an economic downturn on sleep quality and quantity. We account for the potential endogeneity of economic conditions at school leaving using instrumental variables based on birth year and early state of residence. We find that men who leave school in an economic downturn initially experience lower quality sleep, but these men are able to experience improved sleep quality over time. Women who leave school in an economic downturn experience better sleep quality, although the effect emerges over time. We find that leaving school in an economic downturn increases sleep quantity among men and women. We document heterogeneity by work type.

Although prior research has made significant contributions to our understanding of the risk factors associated with increased alcohol consumption in disadvantaged urban neighborhoods, very little is known about the resources that help residents to resist the countless circumstances and conditions that sustain these systems of alcohol abuse. Building on prior research, we use data from the Welfare, Children, and Families project, a probability sample of 2,402 lowincome women with children living in lowincome neighborhoods in Boston, Chicago, and San Antonio, to test whether religious involvement is protective against intoxication. Results obtained from ordered logistic regression models indicate that regular religious attendance is associated with lower levels of intoxication over two years.

AbstractObjectiveIn the current study, we seek to shed new light on the role of religion in American gun culture by considering whether images people hold of God affect the probability of gun ownership and the experience of empowerment through guns for religious Americans (i.e., the extent to which owners derive security, identity, and status from their guns).MethodsWe analyze nationally representative data from the 2021 Baylor Religion Survey in the United States. Binary logistic and ordinary least squares regression models were used.ResultsWe failed to observe any associations between God images and gun ownership. However, among gun owners (n = 430), belief in an engaged God was associated with lower levels of gun empowerment, while belief in a judgmental God was associated with higher levels.ConclusionGod images may contribute to the experience of empowerment through guns by representing spiritual connection and intimacy or divine anger and retribution. We suggest that future research delve deeper into the intersection of God images and gun‐related beliefs and behaviors.

AbstractObjectiveWe examine the association between college education and the number of medications used/misused in the past year. We also consider the possibility of differential socioeconomic returns to health for racial/ethnic minorities.MethodsThe data come from the 2015–2019 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (n = 144,589).ResultsIn accordance with human capital theory, we found that, in the full sample and white subsample, college education was associated with lower levels of polypharmacy, even with adjustments for financial insecurity, health, and lifestyle. Consistent with the diminished return theory, we observed that college education was mostly unrelated to polypharmacy among black and Hispanic individuals. While health commodity theory was supported among Asians, health disparity theory was confirmed among individuals of other races and ethnicities.ConclusionThe most important implication of our study is that polypharmacy can be simultaneously structured by durable systems of social stratification, including education, race, and ethnicity.

Americans can be divided into two groups: those who own guns and those who do not. Although people who own guns and people who do not own guns are often separated along social, cultural, and political lines, it is unclear whether these divisions might extend to population differences in emotional experience. In this paper, we use national cross-sectional data from the 2014 Chapman University Survey on American Fears (n = 1385) to test whether gun owners are more or less afraid than people who do not own guns. We build on previous work by testing two hypotheses with a broad range of fear-related outcomes, including specific phobias and fears associated with being victimized. The symptom perspective argues that gun ownership is a behavioral expression of fear, that gun owners need guns to protect themselves because they are irrational cowards. Although binary logistic regression models provided minimal support for this idea, there was some evidence to suggest that the odds of gun ownership are higher for people who report being afraid of being victimized by a random/mass shooting. The palliative perspective claims that gun ownership mitigates fear, that owning a powerful weapon is somehow soothing to individuals and their families. Ordinary least squares and negative binomial regression models suggest that people who own guns tend to report lower levels of phobias and victimization fears than people who do not own guns. This general pattern is observed across multiple indicators of fear (e.g., of animals, heights, zombies, and muggings), multiple outcome specifications (continuous and count), and with adjustments for age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, household income, marital status, the presence of children, religious identity, religiosity, religious attendance, political orientation, region of residence, and urban residence. Additional longitudinal research is needed to confirm our findings with a wider range of covariates and fear-related outcomes. ; Open access journal ; This item from the UA Faculty Publications collection is made available by the University of Arizona with support from the University of Arizona Libraries. If you have questions, please contact us at repository@u.library.arizona.edu.

Americans can be divided into two groups: those who own guns and those who do not. Although people who own guns and people who do not own guns are often separated along social, cultural, and political lines, it is unclear whether these divisions might extend to population differences in emotional experience. In this paper, we use national cross-sectional data from the 2014 Chapman University Survey on American Fears (n = 1385) to test whether gun owners are more or less afraid than people who do not own guns. We build on previous work by testing two hypotheses with a broad range of fear-related outcomes, including specific phobias and fears associated with being victimized. The symptom perspective argues that gun ownership is a behavioral expression of fear, that gun owners need guns to protect themselves because they are irrational cowards. Although binary logistic regression models provided minimal support for this idea, there was some evidence to suggest that the odds of gun ownership are higher for people who report being afraid of being victimized by a random/mass shooting. The palliative perspective claims that gun ownership mitigates fear, that owning a powerful weapon is somehow soothing to individuals and their families. Ordinary least squares and negative binomial regression models suggest that people who own guns tend to report lower levels of phobias and victimization fears than people who do not own guns. This general pattern is observed across multiple indicators of fear (e.g., of animals, heights, zombies, and muggings), multiple outcome specifications (continuous and count), and with adjustments for age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, household income, marital status, the presence of children, religious identity, religiosity, religious attendance, political orientation, region of residence, and urban residence. Additional longitudinal research is needed to confirm our findings with a wider range of covariates and fear-related outcomes.

Objective Research shows that education favors mental health, in part, because it helps to develop a greater sense of control. To this point, however, it is unclear whether this process varies according to race and ethnicity. Methods Building on previous research, we use data collected from a large probability sample of Texas adults to test the extent to which the education-control-distress (E-C-D) model varies across three race and ethnic groups, including whites, blacks, and Mexican Americans. Results The results of our simple mediation analyses validate the E-C-D model for each race/ethnic group. Our moderated mediation analyses suggest that the indirect effect of education on psychological distress through the sense of control is comparable across race/ethnic groups. Conclusion The mediating influence of the sense of control does not appear to vary according to the three race/ethnic groups included in the study. Adapted from the source document.

ObjectiveResearch shows that education favors mental health, in part, because it helps to develop a greater sense of control. To this point, however, it is unclear whether this process varies according to race and ethnicity.MethodsBuilding on previous research, we use data collected from a large probability sample of Texas adults to test the extent to which the education‐control‐distress (E‐C‐D) model varies across three race and ethnic groups, including whites, blacks, and Mexican Americans.ResultsThe results of our simple mediation analyses validate the E‐C‐D model for each race/ethnic group. Our moderated mediation analyses suggest that the indirect effect of education on psychological distress through the sense of control is comparable across race/ethnic groups.ConclusionThe mediating influence of the sense of control does not appear to vary according to the three race/ethnic groups included in the study.

Objectives. In this article we examine correlates of health insurance coverage for low‐income households.Methods. Using data from the Welfare, Children, and Families Project (1999–2001), a sample of 2,402 low‐income families from Boston, Chicago, and San Antonio, we estimate two logistic regressions, one that predicts health insurance coverage for one focal child in each household and another that assesses the odds that all children in the household have coverage.Results. The children of poorly‐educated, immigrant, and Mexican‐origin parents are at an elevated risk of lacking insurance. These characteristics also increase the risk of incomplete household coverage. Mexican‐origin children and households are at particularly high risk of lacking complete coverage, a fact partially reflecting their residential concentration in states with high uninsurance rates, such as Texas.Conclusions. Serious holes in the health‐care safety net affect poor Americans differently based on their state of residence, race, ethnicity, and household structure.