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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface and acknowledgments -- Introduction. Studying the local state in china -- One. Village politics and social organization -- Two. The dynamics of village-township relations -- Three. Political competition in two townships: elections, violence, and rural social networks -- Four. The power center of the local state: the county and prefectural governments -- Five. Political competition over state-funded programs -- Six. Political competition over local resources -- Conclusion. Patterns of local politics in rural china -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

In his first term (2012–2017), Xi Jinping's signature domestic policy was an anti-corruption campaign that targeted political enemies and venality in public office. The anti-corruption work has continued in his second term while being superseded in domestic political importance by a campaign to "Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil (2018–2020)." On the surface, the campaign to Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil is an anti-crime campaign that focuses on the "black and evil forces" of organized crime and their official protectors, but its scope extends well beyond the ganglands to target a wide range of social and political threats to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Drawing on interviews with government officials, police and citizens as well as analysis of policy documents, this paper argues that the campaign is a populist initiative designed to bolster CCP legitimacy and serve as a mechanism of social control. Like the Chongqing prototype that inspired it, however, the campaign harbors a dark side that could undermine the contemporary Chinese social contract in which people are willing to sacrifice personal freedoms in exchange for security and material benefits.

AbstractIn recent years, governments across Asia and the Pacific have adopted gender quotas to increase women's representation in parliament. In 2003, Indonesia introduced a 30% gender quota that, over two election cycles, contributed to an increase in women's share of seats in the national parliament from 9 per cent to 18 per cent. In the most recent (2014) elections, despite stronger enforcement of the quota provisions, expansive civil society‐led efforts to support women candidates and favourable press coverage, the percentage of women elected to the national parliament declined. This article examines the evolving political context in which the gender quota operates to argue that common support programs designed to maximize the gender quota's impact on women's representation are insufficiently targeted at major obstacles. Findings will be of interest to lawmakers and public sector professionals working to advance gender equity and to students of democratization, representation and gender politics.

In contrast with China's coastal regions, where rural urbanisation has largely been a result of industrialisation, urbanisa- tion in the once predominantly rural towns of the interior is sometimes driven by local government policies. This article focuses on a case study of Zhongdian (Shangri-la), where urbanisation has mainly been driven by tourism. It shows that while the problem of land seizures has been generally less violent in this sparsely populated area of the interior, the urbanisation of this ethnically diverse area of northern Yunnan has generated a distinct set of problems. While local officials have strong incentives to pursue policies that pro- mote urbanisation, they have few incentives to pursue policies that promote equal access to the new economic opportunities that ac- company urbanisation.

In contrast with China's coastal regions, where rural urbanisation has largely been a result of industrialisation, urbanisa- tion in the once predominantly rural towns of the interior is sometimes driven by local government policies. This article focuses on a case study of Zhongdian (Shangri-la), where urbanisation has mainly been driven by tourism. It shows that while the problem of land seizures has been generally less violent in this sparsely populated area of the interior, the urbanisation of this ethnically diverse area of northern Yunnan has generated a distinct set of problems. While local officials have strong incentives to pursue policies that pro- mote urbanisation, they have few incentives to pursue policies that promote equal access to the new economic opportunities that ac- company urbanisation.