Suchergebnisse

Research examining the factors that precipitate gang membership has contributed substantially to our understanding of gangs and gang-related activity, yet we know little about the factors influencing intentions to rejoin a gang after having being incarcerated. This study examines the relationship between gang characteristics, number of incarcerated friends, and family characteristics and gang reengagement intentions, while controlling for ethnicity. Participants were 206 male serious juvenile offenders interviewed as part of the Pathways to Desistance Study. The model explained between 35% and 47% of variance in gang reengagement intentions. However, only three variables made a unique statistically significant contribution to the model (punishment if gang rules are broken, importance of gang membership, and moral disengagement), with the strongest predictor being importance of gang membership. The results suggest that challenging young offenders' perceptions about the importance of gang membership might be particularly effective in reducing gang reengagement intentions after incarceration.

Research demonstrates that certain crime prevention techniques work. Accordingly, current evaluations focus on what works and where. One of the key elements in assessing crime prevention success is determining the number of crimes prevented. This allows the cost-effectiveness of schemes to be assessed and different schemes to be meaningfully compared. Evaluation studies of what works include a variety of different approaches, some more robust than others. The current article presents two methods for calculating the outcomes of crime prevention interventions. The basic principle behind both approaches involves subtracting the observed number of crimes from an estimate of the number of crimes that would have occurred had the scheme not existed. Importantly, it is acknowledged that area crime rates are influenced both by general trends and more random factors. Thus, each approach produces a range of estimates to attempt to assess the impact of more random influences.

Worldwide, unprecedented numbers of people are being imprisoned and in many countries incarceration is on the increase (Walmsley, 2009); indeed 'more parents than ever are behind bars' (Murray et al., 2012) and each year, an estimated 800,000 children within the newly-expanded European Union are separated from an incarcerated parent. Despite this, the psychosocial impact on children is little known and rarely considered in sentencing even though the evidence to date suggests that children whose parents are imprisoned are exposed to triple jeopardy through break-up of the family, financial hardship, stigma and secrecy, leading to adverse social and educational repercussions. The rationale for the study of the impact of parental imprisonment is underscored by the findings of a recent meta-analysis of studies of children of prisoners (Murray et al. 2012). This systematic review synthesized empirical evidence on the associations between parental incarceration and children's later behavioural, educational and health outcomes from 40 studies involving a total of over 7,000 children of prisoners.