Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Mercosur celebrated its 30th anniversary in 2021 in a situation of severe stress, in which the idea of rolling it back from a customs union towards a free trade area was discussed in polarized terms, raising the question about its legitimacy. This article analyses the legitimation strategies pursued by Mercosur member states' presidents and regional bureaucrats to build, maintain, defend and enhance the belief among relevant audiences that the regional organization is legitimate. It focuses on three critical moments in which Mercosur was the object of public debate, namely, the Brazilian currency devaluation in 1999, the accession of Venezuela in 2012, and the current proposal of 'flexibilization', and, drawing on secondary literature and qualitative content analysis, argues that the origins of Mercosur agents' discursive legitimation strategies are their political ideologies. Given the strong role of presidents and lack of stronger regional institutions and leadership, Mercosur is left hostage to domestic electoral cycles and vulnerableto undemocratic trends of governments in power.

O principal objetivo deste artigo é explorar se, e sob que condições, as organizações regionais podem contribuir para a promoção e proteção da democracia de seus estados-membros. Os principais fatores destacados são as identidades das organizações regionais, interesses dos países exercendo liderança, a pressão de atores externos, e os efeitos do fenômeno de sobreposição de regionalismos (overlapping regionalism), ou seja, os efeitos dos compromissos derivados da participação em diversas organizações simultaneamente, que podem ter mandatos semelhantes, complementares ou contraditórios. Em termos da análise empírica, este artigo analisa os compromissos com a democracia na América do Sul com foco na OEA, no Mercosul, e na Unasul. O caso da crise democrática no Paraguai de 2012 é usado para ilustrar as possibilidades e limites do papel das organizações regionais.

This article explores how and why regional organizations participate in the discussion about global health within the United Nations system. It focuses on the case of the Union of South American Nations (unasur) and the topic of access to medicines, and argues that the creation of this organization and its activism in global health diplomacy and governance evolved in the context of the reconfiguration of multilateral cooperation in the Americas, where health has been defined as a human right and vital for regional citizenship. This process results from changing regional identities, unasur's mandate and capacities, and the interests of leading member states such as Brazil.

Abstract This article analyzes the effects of European Union Public Diplomacy (EUPD) discourses, drawing on poststructuralist approaches, which emphasize the productive dimension of discourse. We argue that EUPD helps reproduce a hierarchized identity of the EU, which authorizes particular courses of action while limiting others. Through an analysis of EUPD documents, we identify three descriptors - "EU as a zone of peace, prosperity and democracy"; "United in Diversity"; and "EU as a model" – which, together, form a meaningful narrative about EU's identity, infused with moral superiority, and constitute a dominant discourse with political effects internally and externally.

AbstractRegional organizations sometimes intervene to preserve democracy in one of their Member States. When a regional organization has developed a democratic identity, non‐intervention in case of violation of democratic principles would damage its credibility domestically and internationally. Nonetheless, violations of democratic principles sometimes go unsanctioned. Building on case studies of (non‐)interventions by the EU, Mercosur and SADC, we show that the ideational costs of pressure by third parties and the interests of the regional leading powers can explain the enforcement of democracy by regional organizations. Third party pressure remains ineffective, however, when there is a clash between regional identities.

No trabalho são desenvolvidos indicadores de integração regional com o principal objetivo de apresentar uma analise multidimensional do Mercosul no período de 1991 a 2006. A pesquisa parte da premissa que o Mercosul não é um caso sui generis de integração regional, e sim um exemplo de organização de integração regional assim como, por exemplo, a União Européia ou a Comunidade Andina de Nações. Assim, embora os indicadores sejam desenvolvidos para serem aplicados no Mercosul, eles poderiam potencialmente ser aplicados para outros casos de processos de integração regional.