Suchergebnisse

Die vorliegende wissenschaftliche Arbeit befasst sich mit den Gewaltschutzmaßnahmen für Frauen, die auf Ebene der Europäischen Gemeinschaft/Union und der Vereinten Nationen erlassen wurden. Der Schwerpunkt liegt hierbei auf den Themen und Problematiken, die im Rahmen des Internationalen Frauentages der Vereinten Nationen behandelt wurden. Diese Diplomarbeit erhebt keinen Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit, sondern legt den Fokus auf die wichtigsten Maßnahmen und Projekte der beiden genannten Organisationen. Die Bearbeitung der Thematik erfolgt in drei Abschnitten: der Präsentation der Vereinten Nationen und der Europäischen Union, überdies die Darstellung ihrer Beziehung zueinander und eine Einführung in die Frauenpolitik beider Institutionen. Diese umfasst einen geschichtlichen Rückblick und Darstellung der wichtigsten Errungenschaften für Frauen. Den Hauptteil bilden die Vorstellung der Internationalen Frauentage, die sich mit Gewalt an Frauen befassen, sowie der Vergleich jener Maßnahmen und Projekte, die von den Vereinten Nationen und der Europäischen Union diesbezüglich erlassen wurden. Dargestellte Programme sind beispielsweise die UNiTE-Kampagne, COMMIT-Initiative der Vereinten Nationen, oder die DAPHNE-Programme der Europäischen Union. Auch die Umsetzung der Aktionsplattform von Peking von beiden Institutionen wird näher beleuchtet. Die Arbeit soll Parallelen der Bemühungen, die die Europäische Union und die Vereinten Nationen zur Bekämpfung der Gewalt an Frauen auf sich nehmen, ziehen und auch einen Überblick über die, vom internationalen Frauentag gestarteten, Kampagnen und Projekte geben. ; This scientific work deals with violence protection measures for women which were issued by the European Community/Union and the United Nations. The focus is on those topics and difficulties that the International Womens Day is concerned with. The publication does not lay any claim to completeness; the emphasis is on the most important measures and projects of both organisations. The paper is divided into three sections: the presentation of the United Nations and the European Union, their relationship to each other, and the introduction to their politics concerning women. The latter contains an historical review and the description of crucial achievements for women. The main body is concerned with the topics of the International Womens Day which are related to violence against women, and the projects and actions the European Union and the United Nations are taking in order to fight gender-based violence. The presented programmes include the UNiTE-Campaign, the COMMIT-Initiative of the United Nations as well as the DAPHNE-Programme of the European Union. The implementation of the Beijing Platform of Action within both institutions is also discussed. The paper should show the similarities between the attempts of the EU and the UN to eliminate violence against women and should present a general view of the campaigns and projects, which were initiated by the International Womens Day. ; von Lisa Hoffmann ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2016 ; (VLID)1492960

AbstractInterreligious relations remain an important dimension of human coexistence and we currently observe an increase in religiously motivated violence and discrimination. Hence, we need to better understand determinants of interreligious peace. Building on a new concept of interreligious peace which includes but exceeds the absence of interreligious physical violence, we provide a systematic review of 83 quantitative empirical studies examining religious determinants of interreligious physical violence, hostile attitudes, threat perceptions, trust, and cooperation. We find that religious ideas foster or hinder interreligious peace depending on their content. Religious identities have negative effects but must be considered in context. Evidence regarding the role of religious practice is mixed and the role of religious actors and institutions remains understudied. Our results show the need for (1) more conceptual clarity, (2) replications in different contexts, (3) research on dimensions of religion beyond identities, and (4) a better integration of different strands of literature.

Interreligious relations remain an important dimension of human coexistence and we currently observe an increase in religiously motivated violence and discrimination. Hence, we need to better understand determinants of interreligious peace. Building on a new concept of interreligious peace which includes but exceeds the absence of interreligious physical violence, we provide a systematic review of 83 quantitative empirical studies examining religious determinants of interreligious physical violence, hostile attitudes, threat perceptions, trust, and cooperation. We find that religious ideas foster or hinder interreligious peace depending on their content. Religious identities have negative effects but must be considered in context. Evidence regarding the role of religious practice is mixed and the role of religious actors and institutions remains understudied. Our results show the need for (1) more conceptual clarity, (2) replications in different contexts, (3) research on dimensions of religion beyond identities, and (4) a better integration of different strands of literature.

What are the motivations for internal migration, and how do social relations influence the migration process? In answering these questions, this paper focuses on internal migration to Accra, the capital of Ghana. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 20 migrants in different areas of the city and analysed using narrative analysis. We found that livelihood and lifestyle dimensions work in tandem as motivations for migration. While the main reasons for moving to Accra, according to the interviewees, are related to livelihood, they are reflected and performed in culturally bound lifestyles. Furthermore, while social relations are rarely the main motivator to migrate, the social networks of migrants constitute an important enabling (or disabling) factor in shaping both livelihood and lifestyle dimensions of the migration process. Finally, we found that different ties - including emotional and economic - have different meanings across the migrants' social network throughout the migration process.

Zusammenfassung
Die Generosität der Altersversorgung von Abgeordneten des Bundestages und der Länderparlamente, über die sie souverän entscheiden, stand in der Vergangenheit wiederholt im Blickpunkt öffentlicher Kritik. Unter Verweis auf die Einschränkungen, die den Beteiligten an anderen staatlichen Alterssicherungssystemen zugemutet wurden, haben die Parlamentarier ab etwa 1989jedoch auch an ihren jeweiligen Sondersystemen mehrfach Einschnitte vorgenommen. In diesem Beitrag wird nach den Gründen und dem Umfang der Einschränkungen bei der Altersversorgung von Abgeordneten gefragt. Es werden deshalb zunächst die historische Entwicklung dieses Sondersystems skizziert sowie die Anspruchsregelungen und -niveaus im Bund und in den 16 Bundesländern dargestellt und verglichen. Es schließen sich - ausgehend vom Prinzipal-Agenten-Ansatz - Überlegungen an, warum Abgeordnete freiwillig auf finanzielle Ansprüche vernichten. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden die entsprechenden Änderungen der Abgeordnetengesetze ab ca. 1989 analysiert. Es wird festgestellt, dass die beschlossenen Einschränkungen im Umfang eher geringer ausfielen als in der gesetzlichen Rentenversicherung. Dabei ist ein Spezifikum der Neuregelungen, dass sie regelmäßig erst für neu- b%w. wiedergewählte Parlamentarier wirksam werden und diejenigen Abgeordneten, die entsprechende Beschlüsse fassen, weitgehend von Verschlechterungen ausnehmen.

Religion has become increasingly contentious in recent years. Faith-based discrimination, hostility and violence seem to have increased worldwide. But how can faith lead to conflict? In this article, we test the impact of two important dimensions of religion that have been neglected in previous research: the belief in 'one true religion' and perceptions of threats by other religious groups. Putting these two potential drivers to the test, we conducted a representative survey experiment with 972 respondents in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Results show that one of the tested dimensions, perceptions of threats by others, increases the support to use violence to defend one's own group. This is particularly the case for religiously intolerant respondents with characteristics such as pre-existing threat perceptions, unfavorable views on intermarriage, or belief in the superiority of their own faith. In contrast, we find relatively weak evidence that the prime of 'one true religion' increases the readiness to use violence. Our findings have important implications for policy: We conclude that appeals by leaders to threats by others and intolerance toward other faiths can contribute to more conflict. Political and religious leaders should refrain from capitalizing on such notions and should promote tolerance towards other faiths instead.

Within the current policy and legislative context of educating students with and without special educational needs (SEN) together in one classroom, the question that is frequently raised by educators relates to how best to implement inclusion and meet the different needs of their students in class. It is also important to understand all students' perceptions about being included in regular classrooms. Therefore, the study examined secondary school students' perceptions about the use of inclusive teaching practices by their different subject teachers. The main objective was to report on the psychometric properties of a newly developed questionnaire measuring students' perceptions about their teachers' use of inclusive teaching practices. A total of 665 secondary grade students rated the use of inclusive teaching practices for their two main subject teachers (German, Maths or English). The study found that the 14-item scale had high reliability (α = ranging 0.81 for German to 0.87 for English teachers) and consisted of two factors ('Personalisation' and 'Differentiation'). According to the students' perceptions, all subject teachers used some inclusive practices but they were not highly inclusive. A comparison showed that Maths teachers were more inclusive compared to their German counterpart. Implications for school educators and researchers are discussed.

Religion has become increasingly contentious in recent years. Faith-based discrimination, hostility and violence seem to have increased worldwide. But how can faith lead to conflict? In this article, we test the impact of two important dimensions of religion that have been neglected in previous research: the belief in 'one true religion' and perceptions of threats by other religious groups. Putting these two potential drivers to the test, we conducted a representative survey experiment with 972 respondents in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Results show that one of the tested dimensions, perceptions of threats by others, increases the support to use violence to defend one's own group. This is particularly the case for religiously intolerant respondents with characteristics such as pre-existing threat perceptions, unfavorable views on intermarriage, or belief in the superiority of their own faith. In contrast, we find relatively weak evidence that the prime of 'one true religion' increases the readiness to use violence. Our findings have important implications for policy: We conclude that appeals by leaders to threats by others and intolerance toward other faiths can contribute to more conflict. Political and religious leaders should refrain from capitalizing on such notions and should promote tolerance towards other faiths instead.

Contrary to the expectations of secularization theory, religion remains socially important and affects politics in multiple ways - especially regarding conflict between religious communities. Theoretically, religion can increase altruism, but belief in the superiority of one's faith may facilitate intergroup discrimination and related conflict. Previous findings remain inconclusive, however, as specific religious ideas have hardly been tested. In this article, we argue that the content of religious ideas has causal effects on intergroup discrimination. We hence test the impact of two opposing, prominent religious ideas on altruism and discrimination: universal love and the notion of one true religion. Conducting dictator games with Christians and Muslims in Ghana and Tanzania, we find causal effects: Whereas the idea of one true religion increases intergroup discrimination, that of universal love fosters equal treatment. The policy implications hereof are obvious - promoting tolerant religious ideas seems crucial to avoiding conflict.

COVID-19, arguably the new millennium's most trying test of state capacity, caught the world off guard. In order to contain the spread of the virus, governments had to respond quickly and comprehensively: strict lockdowns, movement restrictions, masks, and social distancing - measures that draw not only on public resources but also on the buy-in and cooperation of civil society. Citizen compliance and cooperation are founded on trust in government institutions. As such, the pandemic has also been a stress test for trust in government.
Trust in government is a crucial determinant of effective crisis management, and governments lacking such trust suffer a profound disadvantage.
In many instances, strict lockdown measures were accompanied by an expansion of executive powers. This creates power imbalances, or aggravates existing ones, and poses a threat to trust in government.
High levels of vaccine hesitancy, a looming recession, and expectations of government support require ongoing efforts to build and ensure trust in government.
Even though many African countries seem to have gotten through the coronavirus crisis relatively well until now, vaccine hesitancy and looming recessions pose ongoing challenges for trust in government. Hence, governments must actively engage in building trust as they prepare for future crises. The Ebola epidemic has shown that a bottom-up approach entailing collaboration with pre-existing networks and institutions at the local level can facilitate this process. In contexts where executive powers have been expanded, the evolution of this process needs to be carefully monitored.

Religion continues to play an important role in shaping cultures all over the world. In some societies religious diversity and coexistence are celebrated, while others grapple with (violent) religious extremism. What determines whether interreligious relations are peaceful or contentious? What can we learn from positive examples, and what role does religious extremism play in interreligious peace? Sub-Saharan Africa offers useful cases from which we can learn. Levels of interreligious peace have been declining worldwide since 1990. Yet, this varies greatly across countries. Sub-Saharan Africa stands out as a region characterised by both very high and very low levels of interreligious peace from country to country. Tolerant religious ideas, weak religious identification, favourable institutions governing religion, and a conducive socio-economic environment work in favour of interreligious peace. In Sierra Leone and Togo, high levels of interreligious peace are maintained through cultures of peace engrained in close social bonds and lived religious tolerance. Challenges to interreligious peace are countered through peace advocacy efforts and supported by institutions designed to peacefully resolve conflicts and guarantee individuals' freedom of religion or belief. Violent religious extremism carries the risk of negatively affecting interreligious relations, as its divisiveness engenders the escalation of conflict, and it can lead to stigmatisation of members of certain religious or ethnic groups by association, the politicisation of religion, and forced displacement.