Labor market integration of returned educational migrants in Turkmenistan
In: Post-Soviet affairs, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 1-16
ISSN: 1938-2855
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In: Post-Soviet affairs, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 1-16
ISSN: 1938-2855
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 41, Heft 5, S. 813-834
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 41, Heft 5, S. 813-834
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Journal of ethnic and migration studies: JEMS, Band 48, Heft 11, S. 2493-2514
ISSN: 1469-9451
In: Social science journal: official journal of the Western Social Science Association, Band 56, Heft 1, S. 94-106
ISSN: 0362-3319
In: Population and environment: a journal of interdisciplinary studies, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 283-302
ISSN: 1573-7810
In: The journal of development studies, Band 48, Heft 8, S. 1121-1138
ISSN: 1743-9140
In: The journal of development studies: JDS, Band 48, Heft 8, S. 1121-1139
ISSN: 0022-0388
In: International migration review: IMR, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 508-538
ISSN: 1747-7379, 0197-9183
While frequently discussed, the feminization of migration remains among the least understood trends in migration literature. Existing research links feminization of migration to socioeconomic change in migrant origin countries, changes in destination-country labor markets, structural factors, and changing social attitudes. However, questions of how the feminization of migration begins and how it becomes socially institutionalized remain largely unanswered. Having experienced a recent, dramatic increase in female migration, Georgia provides an excellent case to study the emergence of women's labor migration. Our findings highlight the importance of human capital, increasing divorce rates, and an absence of local economic opportunities in motivating increasing numbers of women to migrate. Additionally, changing destination patterns and shifts in labor-market demand toward feminized occupations act as key initial conditions enabling the growth of women's migration. As migration is feminized, cultural beliefs stigmatizing female migrants can be renegotiated to frame women's migration within normative gender approaches, providing pathways for cultural maintenance. In the early stages of the feminization of migration, we find the initial attempts to reframe migration are powerful; they can challenge, or at least delay, the expansion of women's autonomy that is often associated with migration.
In: International migration: quarterly review, Band 50, Heft 5, S. 77-94
ISSN: 1468-2435
In: International migration: quarterly review, Band 50, Heft 5, S. 77-94
ISSN: 1468-2435
AbstractIn this paper, we explore how individual women cope with the tensions between economic forces encouraging temporary labour migration and cultural norms tying "proper" women to their homes and families. Combining in‐depth interviews with returned migrant women in the Georgian capital of Tbilisi with secondary migration data for the region, we illustrate the recent increases in Georgian women's participation in international labour migration. Deteriorating economic conditions in Georgia leave women with few local opportunities to financially support their families, while institutional changes have altered the accessibility and attractiveness of international destinations, leading to increasing motivations and opportunities for women's migration. Focusing on the contradictions between growing female migration and persistent adherence to cultural norms stigmatizing migration in Georgia, we explore the cognitive strategies migrant women employ in an attempt to balance internalized perceptions of acceptable gendered behaviour with their migration choices. Two key pathways of adaptation emerge: framing migration as a necessity rather than a choice and stressing the unique and individually exceptional nature of their own migration experience. We posit that these strategies may serve to limit the norm‐challenging nature of women's migration in Georgia. Although migration is often described as an empowering experience for women, if women migrants work to present their migration in a way that fits within the bounds of traditional gender norms, these norms may be strengthened rather than challenged.
In: International migration: quarterly review, Band 57, Heft 1, S. 109-126
ISSN: 1468-2435
AbstractUS states are active in enacting immigration policies, which vary widely and have substantial impact on the lives of immigrants. Our understanding of what produces these divergent state laws remains limited. Qualitative research demonstrates the importance of a 2010 immigration compact, supported by a powerful religious organization, in shaping immigration policies in Utah, and the Utah Compact was held up as a model for other states. But is the experience of Utah applicable across other states? We test the effects of compacts and interest groups on immigration policy adoption across all 50 states between 2005 and 2013. Our findings suggest that compacts are actually associated with more restrictive immigration policy. Although states with compacts are more likely to pass inclusive immigration laws, these are counterbalanced by higher numbers of exclusive laws. Both religious and non‐religious interests groups are associated with policy, but they do not explain the effects of compacts.
US states are active in enacting immigration policies, which vary widely and have substantial impact on the lives of immigrants. Our understanding of what produces these divergent state laws remains limited. Qualitative research demonstrates the importance of a 2010 immigration compact, supported by a powerful religious organization, in shaping immigration policies in Utah, and the Utah Compact was held up as a model for other states. But is the experience of Utah applicable across other states? We test the effects of compacts and interest groups on immigration policy adoption across all 50 states between 2005 and 2013. Our findings suggest that compacts are actually associated with more restrictive immigration policy. Although states with compacts are more likely to pass inclusive immigration laws, these are counterbalanced by higher numbers of exclusive laws. Both religious and non‐religious interests groups are associated with policy, but they do not explain the effects of compacts.
BASE
As new immigrant destinations in the USA have become home to more settled immigrant populations, they are also becoming less male-dominated and attracting more women and families. But this process is occurring unevenly, with some new destinations much more attractive to women than others. The factors that might lead a destination to attract or retain women are not well understood. We draw on interviews with long-time Latin American residents in a non-metropolitan community in Utah with a fairly high proportion of women immigrants to analyze the ways in which gender and other factors relate to community attachment in this specific context. We examine gender differences in satisfaction with the community and experiences of discrimination and plans to remain in the community. Surprisingly, given current anti-immigrant trends in national politics, we found high levels of community attachment among both men and women. Although experiences of racism were common in our sample, many of the respondents were quick to downplay these experiences and focused instead on their overall positive assessment of the community. Women were more attuned to the experience of discrimination and less willing to downplay it. They were also less likely to have a long-term plan to remain in the community, but this appeared to be more related to their consideration of other family members' long-term plans, rather than due to their experiences of discrimination. These findings have implications for understanding gendered settlement patterns as well as for promoting immigrant integration at the local level in an unfavorable political context.
BASE
In: International migration: quarterly review, Band 54, Heft 2, S. 34-49
ISSN: 1468-2435
AbstractThis article uses Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework to explain forms of national‐ and region‐level governance used in the Russian Federation to manage unprecedented levels of international immigration. First, we identify the ways that the Russian federal government has legislated and governed international migration from 1991 through 2010. We then compare the federal level to the case of the Krasnodar region, an ethnically diverse region in the North Caucasus. We find that that migration policy adoption in Russia at the federal level is relatively immune to economic trends or labour needs but more sensitive to foreign and domestic political objectives. At the regional level, local socio‐political and economic concerns predominate and political objectives are secondary. Finally, we argue that migration policy changes or adopted policy at the regional level may be explained by an interaction effect between changes in political leadership, federal level policy adoption, and regional level context.