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"This book explores the relation between race and neoliberalism in the US, arguing that the origins of neoliberalism in the US are rooted in the constellation of cultural, political, and economic developments in the white response to the black civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s. Analyzing the cultural politics that embedded a racially coded language of white=private/black=public into social policy, the book shows that while the white response did not create neoliberalism directly, it did provide the context for white support in favor of privatizing public works, fiscal austerity to control local budgets, and a monastic opposition to taxes in the United States"--

This book explains the emergence of two competing forms of black political representation that transformed the objectives and meanings of local action, created boundaries between national and local struggles for racial equality, and prompted a white response to the civil rights movement that set the stage for the neoliberal turn in US policy. Randolph Hohle questions some of the most basic assumptions about the civil rights movement, including the importance of non-violence, and the movement's legacy on contemporary black politics. Non-violence was the effect of the movement's emphasis on racially non-threatening good black citizens that, when contrasted to bad white responses of southern whites, severed the relationship between whiteness and good citizenship. Although the civil rights movement secured new legislative gains and influenced all subsequent social movements, pressure to be good black citizens and the subsequent marginalization of black authenticity have internally polarized and paralyzed contemporary black struggles. This book is the first systematic analysis of the civil rights movement that considers the importance of authenticity, the body, and ethics in political struggles. It bridges the gap between the study of race, politics, and social movement studies.

This article explores how local actors in Buffalo and Cleveland mobilized through garden tourism as a form of alternative urbanism to rehabilitate heavily stigmatized places and remake their city's reputations. Buidling off the concepts of civic action and scene styles, I compare how grassroots actors in Buffalo mobilized through a symbolic purity scene style to deracialize urban stigmas to how grassroots actors in Cleveland mobilized through a diversity scene style to create an inclusive place reputation that addressed the city's internal racial and ethnic divsions. I found that in the process of rehabbing their communities, grassroots actors in both cities replaced racialized urban stigmas with a different form of Whiteness, and when residents and elites shared the same scene style, they were more likely to cooperate, which entrenched the garden tour with local elites and other organizations in the cultural tourism field. Cultural variables like a place's reputation matter in how and what kind of Rust Belt city will emerge from the era of urban shrinkage. Data for this article comes from 50 semistructured in-depth interviews, fieldwork, and archival data.

Prior research on the origins and diffusion of the neoliberal project have emphasized the role of elite economists, yet no explanations have been provided as to why neoliberal reforms were attractive to the broader U.S. population. To fill this gap in the literature, this article focuses on the voluntary sector struggles against desegregation and corporate taxation in postwar Alabama. I examine the emergence of a language of privatization that degraded all things public as "black" and inferior and all things private as "white" and superior, which provided the pretext to attract national white support for the neoliberal turn. Empirically, the article focuses on the construction of the modern southern businessman that emerged from struggles to economically modernize the South, and the construction of a publicly financed private school system that emerged from the struggles to fight school desegregation. These two struggles fused under the George Wallace political umbrella, whose regional and national political career diffused the racial language from its origins in 1950s Alabama to the national level in the 1960s and early 1970s.

AbstractThis article examines the southern response to the civil rights movement and its relationship to the broader struggle for southern influence and control. Drawing from governmentality studies and the concept of "security", I trace the correlation of two competing southern revitalization projects with distinct southern policing styles to consider the importance of normative political cultures, rather than the instrumental and immediate political outcomes of each local movement, on the southern response to the civil rights movement. Despite the development of new south police practices that curtained civil rights protest and produced a politically modern and racially tolerant idealized new south image, the old south project, in its failures, gained influence on the county, statewide, and regional levels. Although the conflicting revitalization projects differed in their objectives, the linkages between them set the stage for subsequent southern revitalization and development that started in the 1970s.

"Widely recognized as a groundbreaking text, The New Urban Sociology is a broad and expert introduction to urban sociology that is both relevant and accessible to students. Organized around an integrated paradigm, the sociospatial perspective, this text examines the role played by social factors such as race, class, gender, lifestyle, economics, and culture on the development of metropolitan areas, and integrates social, ecological and political economy perspectives and research into this study. With its unique perspective, concise history of urban life, clear summary of urban social theory, and attention to the impact of culture on urban development, this book gives students a cohesive conceptual framework for understanding cities and urban life. The 6th edition of The New Urban Sociology is a major overhaul and expansion of the previous editions. This edition is packed with new material including an expansion of the sociospatial approach to include the primary importance of racism in the formation of the urban landscape, the spatial aspects of urban social problems, including the issues surrounding urban public health and affordable housing, and a brand new chapter on urban social movements. There is also new material on the importance of space for social groups, including immigrants and the LGBTQ community, as well as the gendered meanings embedded in social space"--