Remembering and forgetting in democratic South Africa -- South Africa : forming a state, building a community -- Reconciliation and rainbows : symbols with and without history -- Opposition and party politics in democratic South Africa -- The social logic of nation-building : navigating race and gender -- Community theater : ceremony and performance of nationhood and identity -- Homes, farms, parks, and walls : land, space, and ownership of democratic South Africa -- The medium and the message : language and communal identity.
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 138, Heft 4, S. 563-573
Abstract South Africa has been an important case in both scholarship and the public eye for decades. The anti-apartheid struggle saw mass international participation, and there was significant international optimism about the South African transition to multiracial democracy in 1994. Yet in the years since the advent of the new democratic dispensation in South Africa, a kind of pessimism has set in about the prospects for the country and for its democracy. Into this conversation Evan Lieberman's book, Until We Have Won Our Liberty, inserts a new perspective, arguing that South African democracy has been remarkably successful. Relying on a largely descriptive analysis of progress in infrastructure, rights guarantees, and dignified development, Lieberman argues that democratic performance in the country, especially given the starting point for democracy, has exceeded reasonable expectations. Lieberman's focus on what has gone right in South African democracy bucks many disciplinary and scholarly norms but presents a compelling argument for introspection on the part of the field.
ABSTRACTThis article explores the ethical difficulties that arise because of the interaction between fieldwork practitioners and their sites, in terms of the positionality of the researcher. What are the ethics of blending in or of standing out? This question stems from my experience of 12 months of fieldwork in South Africa in two distinct locales and among two different populations, one in which I could "pass" and another in which I was marked as various degrees of "outsider." Drawing on this fieldwork, as well as an overview of the literature in political science on positionality, I argue that our discipline—because of the way it shapes interactions and research outcomes—must take positionality seriously in ethical training and practice.
AbstractAre 'white nationalists' really nationalists? This label is one that right‐wing, white activists themselves have chosen, and as such, compels rigorous investigation to avoid simply adopting the preferred nomenclature of these activists and their ambitions. The nation and nationalism are concepts with rich scholarly histories, and this paper seeks to examine the discussion, activities and statements of so‐called white nationalists in light of this literature. We argue through a three‐fold concept of the nation—based on territoriality, population and symbolic and/or cultural content—that the vision of the political community and ambitions of these activists falls short of the standard of a nation and that their aspirations do not conform to what the literature lays out as nationalism. We argue, therefore, that using the language of 'white nationalism' to describe these groups obfuscates and sanitises their motives and lends undue legitimacy to their standing in public discourse.
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 58, Heft 2, S. 213-234
AbstractSocial capital research has measured the concept in two distinct ways: through direct reporting by participants in cross-national surveys and the presence of associative organisations. Both strategies raise difficulties: the former restricts comparability and assumes group stability; the latter relies on literal translation and uses direct questioning. We problematise these approaches and argue that the ratio of 'check-points' where individuals are asked to demonstrate adherence to rules, and 'trust-points' where such proofs are not required, can better measure social capital. Moreover, the unevenness of social capital between groups is perceptible by 'fast-lanes' that differentially treat individuals based on identity. Evidence from a field survey and observational evidence in South Africa is presented.
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 51, Heft 3, S. 328-345
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek)
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 51, Heft 3, S. 328