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"Catherine Horel has undertaken a comparative analysis of the societal, ethnic, and cultural diversity in the last decades of the Habsburg Monarchy as represented in twelve cities: Arad, Bratislava, Brno, Chernivtsi, Lviv, Oradea, Rijeka, Sarajevo, Subotica, Timișoara, Trieste, and Zagreb. By purposely selecting these cities, the author aims to counter the disproportionate attention that the largest cities in the empire receive. With a focus on the aspects of everyday life faced by the city inhabitants (associations, schools, economy, and municipal politics) the book avoids any idealization of the monarchy as a paradise of peaceful multiculturalism, and also avoids exaggerating conflicts. The author claims that the world of the Habsburg cities was a dynamic space where many models coexisted and created vitality, emulation, and conflict. Modernization brought about the dissolution of old structures, but also mobility, the progress of education, the explosion of associative life, and constantly growing cultural offerings"--

Les produits alimentaires et la gastronomie ont circulé dans l'Empire, constituant un lieu de mémoire de la cuisine habsbourgeoise. Les fonctionnaires, militaires, enseignants ont vu leurs goûts changer au gré de leurs mutations : leurs femmes ne devaient pas seulement s'adapter à la langue de leur cuisinière, mais aussi à ses pratiques et aux ingrédients du marché local. Les livres de cuisine à leur disposition concentraient la diversité de la cuisine de la monarchie. Le vocabulaire reflète ces transferts au travers de mots qui sont des créations transnationales.

International audience ; The terms of 'multiculturalism' or 'pluriculturalism' were not used by the contemporaries of the Habsburg Monarchy. The concept of the Empirewas framed by its territorial definition and by the ruling dynasty. Itsi nhabitants were to becomecitizens only after the enactmentofthe Constitutional laws of December 1867. The territories of the Empire were either hereditaryp ossessions of the Crown (Kronländer)with their historical rights or provinces ruled by Vienna or Budapest. The diversityoft ongues and confessionsw as considered under the terms of 'peoples' (Völker)o r' ethnic group' (Vo lksstamm); the whole was conceivedasa'multinational state' (Vielvölkerstaat). In his recentbookabout the Habsburg Empire Pieter Judson discusses the use of the term'nationality' by historians and suggests thatweshould keep on speakingof'groups'.Indeed the 'nationality' was not acategorybut acommodityoflanguage and of course an elementofthe political discourse at the same time. It was thus aconstruction and was not relevantfor the daily practice. In this respectheisright in pointing to the factthatconflicts brokebetween nationalists and not between 'nationalities' thus not involving an entire people. 2 The mobilityofsome groups was verycharacteristic:military, bureaucrats, merchants, students, and thus enabled transfers and exchanges. Before 1867, self-identification was defined by religion and territorial belonging,w hat is generallyc alled the 'patriotism of the land' (Landespatriotismus)t hat is the attachment to 'smallh omelands'. The culturet hat characterized the Empire was thus fragmented, moving and fluid between groups and territories. 3 People had multiple identities that were superseded by dynastic loyalty composed of shared symbols and historical references. The

International audience ; The terms of 'multiculturalism' or 'pluriculturalism' were not used by the contemporaries of the Habsburg Monarchy. The concept of the Empirewas framed by its territorial definition and by the ruling dynasty. Itsi nhabitants were to becomecitizens only after the enactmentofthe Constitutional laws of December 1867. The territories of the Empire were either hereditaryp ossessions of the Crown (Kronländer)with their historical rights or provinces ruled by Vienna or Budapest. The diversityoft ongues and confessionsw as considered under the terms of 'peoples' (Völker)o r' ethnic group' (Vo lksstamm); the whole was conceivedasa'multinational state' (Vielvölkerstaat). In his recentbookabout the Habsburg Empire Pieter Judson discusses the use of the term'nationality' by historians and suggests thatweshould keep on speakingof'groups'.Indeed the 'nationality' was not acategorybut acommodityoflanguage and of course an elementofthe political discourse at the same time. It was thus aconstruction and was not relevantfor the daily practice. In this respectheisright in pointing to the factthatconflicts brokebetween nationalists and not between 'nationalities' thus not involving an entire people. 2 The mobilityofsome groups was verycharacteristic:military, bureaucrats, merchants, students, and thus enabled transfers and exchanges. Before 1867, self-identification was defined by religion and territorial belonging,w hat is generallyc alled the 'patriotism of the land' (Landespatriotismus)t hat is the attachment to 'smallh omelands'. The culturet hat characterized the Empire was thus fragmented, moving and fluid between groups and territories. 3 People had multiple identities that were superseded by dynastic loyalty composed of shared symbols and historical references. The

International audience ; The terms of 'multiculturalism' or 'pluriculturalism' were not used by the contemporaries of the Habsburg Monarchy. The concept of the Empirewas framed by its territorial definition and by the ruling dynasty. Itsi nhabitants were to becomecitizens only after the enactmentofthe Constitutional laws of December 1867. The territories of the Empire were either hereditaryp ossessions of the Crown (Kronländer)with their historical rights or provinces ruled by Vienna or Budapest. The diversityoft ongues and confessionsw as considered under the terms of 'peoples' (Völker)o r' ethnic group' (Vo lksstamm); the whole was conceivedasa'multinational state' (Vielvölkerstaat). In his recentbookabout the Habsburg Empire Pieter Judson discusses the use of the term'nationality' by historians and suggests thatweshould keep on speakingof'groups'.Indeed the 'nationality' was not acategorybut acommodityoflanguage and of course an elementofthe political discourse at the same time. It was thus aconstruction and was not relevantfor the daily practice. In this respectheisright in pointing to the factthatconflicts brokebetween nationalists and not between 'nationalities' thus not involving an entire people. 2 The mobilityofsome groups was verycharacteristic:military, bureaucrats, merchants, students, and thus enabled transfers and exchanges. Before 1867, self-identification was defined by religion and territorial belonging,w hat is generallyc alled the 'patriotism of the land' (Landespatriotismus)t hat is the attachment to 'smallh omelands'. The culturet hat characterized the Empire was thus fragmented, moving and fluid between groups and territories. 3 People had multiple identities that were superseded by dynastic loyalty composed of shared symbols and historical references. The

Considéré par son auteur Graham Greene comme un simple thriller , Le Troisième homme n'est-il pas plutôt un récit profondément ancré dans le contexte du début de la Guerre froide ? Cette hypothèse est confirmée par le choix de Vienne, occupée par les quatre puissances alliées, comme lieu de l'intrigue, ainsi que par la caractérisation de certains des personnages. En outre, les variations entre la version littéraire et le film permettent de proposer une analyse plus fouillée d'une œuvre qui a contribué à créer le mythe de Vienne comme capitale de l'espionnage Est-Ouest.

Relations between France and the Habsburg Empire during the long nineteenth century went through several phases bounded by the events crucial not just to the two countries' mutual relations but to all of Europe. The Congress of Vienna defined their mutual relations for the next thirty years. The Habsburgs and their omnipresent minister Metternich were fearful of revolutionary and liberal movements traditionally having their origins in France. And it was the revolutionary events of 1848 that brought about a change in the balance of power and their mutual relations. Metternich's retirement and, more importantly, the arrival of the Russian armies in Central Europe and the subsequent strengthening of Prussia, conferred a new importance to the role of the Habsburg Monarchy as a bulwark against the advancement of Russia and a vital counterweight to Prussia. With the defeat of Napoleon III and the creation of Germany with Alsace and Lorraine Franco-Austrian relations entered a new phase. The destiny of the two provinces alienated the Habsburgs from the French Republic, especially after the reorganization of Europe into two confronting blocs. The logic of alliances led to their being adversaries in the world conflict, although Napoleon III's geo-strategic analyzes remained present almost to its very end, when Clemenceau's government gave support to the nationality principle thereby crucially contributing to the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy.