Suchergebnisse

ObjectiveThis article illustrates the commonality among the Oaxaca decomposition, mediation analysis, and path analysis used in various social science fields to decompose the effect of a predictor on the outcome into constituent components.MethodsA general approach is proposed that extends the Oaxaca decomposition to continuous predictors. It also removes one critical restriction on covariates in mediation analysis.ResultsAn empirical example shows that the effect of fathers' education on children's years of schooling primarily works through children's early skill development and educational aspirations.ConclusionThe proposed approach is easy to implement since it requires only two pieces of information: simple correlations and standardized regression coefficients.

AbstractParticipation in ethnic economies has been regarded as an alternative avenue of economic adaptation for immigrants and minorities in major immigrant‐receiving countries. This study examines one important dimension of ethnic economies: co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace. Using a large national representative sample from Statistics Canada's 2002 Ethnic Diversity Survey, this study addresses four questions: (1) what is the level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace for Canada's minority groups? (2) How do workers who share the same ethnicity with most of their co‐workers differ from other workers in socio‐demographic characteristics? (3) Is higher level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace associated with lower earnings? (4) Is higher level of co‐ethnic concentration at the workplace associated with higher levels of life satisfaction?The results show that only a small proportion of immigrants and the Canadian‐born work in ethnically homogeneous settings. In Canada's eight largest metropolitan areas about 10 per cent of non‐British/French immigrants share a same ethnic origin with the majority of their co‐workers. The level is as high as 20 per cent among Chinese immigrants and 18 per cent among Portuguese immigrants. Among Canadian‐born minority groups, the level of co‐ethnic workplace concentration is about half the level for immigrants. Immigrant workers in ethnically concentrated settings have much lower educational levels and proficiency in English/French. Immigrant men who work mostly with co‐ethnics on average earn about 33 per cent less than workers with few or none co‐ethnic coworkers. About two thirds of this gap is attributable to differences in demographic and job characteristics. Meanwhile, immigrant workers in ethnically homogenous settings are less likely to report low levels of life satisfaction than other immigrant workers. Among the Canadian‐born, co‐ethnic concentration is not consistently associated with earnings and life satisfaction.

This study examines to what extent Canada's recent immigrants have altered their geographic concentration over time, with a view of determining the role of preexisting immigrant communities in immigrants' locational choices, looking specifically at community size. The results show a large increase in concentration levels at the initial destination among major immigrant groups throughout the 1970s and 1980s, and a much smaller increase in the following decade. However, redistribution after immigration was generally small-scale and had inconsistent effects on changing concentration at initial destinations among immigrant groups and across arrival cohorts within an immigrant group. Finally, this study finds that the size of the preexisting immigrant community is not a significant factor in immigrant locational choice when location fixed effects are accounted for.

This study demonstrates that conventional expectations concerning patterns of residential spatial assimilation by racial minority immigrants are likely to be altered under conditions of persistent high levels of immigration. While cross-sectional studies conclude that the traditional assimilation model fits the experience of racial minority immigrants to Canada, a different picture emerges from longitudinal changes at the group level. Using a pseudo-cohort approach, it is shown that, for some racial minority immigrants, the level of residential dissimilarity from Whites in Canada's gateway cities has risen with time. Moreover, residential proximity to Whites is becoming less salient as a marker of spatial assimilation. Differences among racial minority groups in residential distribution and exposure to own-group neighbours only reflect variations in the degree of own-group preference and capacity to build affluent ethnic communities.

AbstractThe naturalization rate of immigrants is jointly affected by immigrant characteristics, economic, and political circumstances in the source country and government policies in the destination country. This article focuses on the effect of altering government policies in the destination country, using legislative and regulatory changes introduced in Canada over the 2006–16 period as a test case. We hypothesize that the least advantaged immigrants would be most affected by more restrictive policies. The observed large decline in the naturalization rate among immigrants with low family income, low proficiency in official languages, and low educational levels is consistent with significant policy impacts. Furthermore, the general decline started before the introduction of the new policies, and the decline was particularly large among immigrants from Eastern Asia. This suggests that other factors such as globalization and changes in the socioeconomic environment of some source countries also played a role.

Why do high-skilled Canadian immigrants lag behind their US counterparts in labor-market outcomes, despite Canada's merit-based immigration selection system and more integrative context? This article investigates a mismatch between immigrants' education and occupations, operationalized by overeducation, as an explanation. Using comparable data and three measures of overeducation, we find that university-educated immigrant workers in Canada are consistently much more likely to be overeducated than their US peers and that the immigrant–native gap in the overeducation rate is remarkably higher in Canada than in the United States. This article further examines how the cross-national differences are related to labor-market structures and selection mechanisms for immigrants. Whereas labor-market demand reduces the likelihood of immigrant overeducation in both countries, the role of supply-side factors varies: a higher supply of university-educated immigrants is positively associated with the likelihood of overeducation in Canada, but not in the United States, pointing to an oversupply of high-skilled immigrants relative to Canada's smaller economy. Also, in Canada the overeducation rate is significantly lower for immigrants who came through employer selection (i.e., those who worked in Canada before obtaining permanent residence) than for those admitted directly from abroad through the point system. Overall, the findings suggest that a merit-based immigration system likely works better when it takes into consideration domestic labor-market demand and the role of employer selection.

Why do high-skilled Canadian immigrants lag behind their US counterparts in labor-market outcomes despite Canada's merit-based immigration selection system and more integrative context? This article investigates a mismatch between immigrants' education and occupations, operationalized by overeducation, as an explanation. Using comparable data and three measures of overeducation, we find that university-educated immigrant workers in Canada are consistently much more likely to be overeducated than their US peers and that the immigrant-native gap in the overeducation rate is remarkably higher in Canada than in the United States. This article further examines how the cross-national differences are related to labor-market structures and selection mechanisms for immigrants. Whereas labor-market demand reduces the likelihood of overeducation in both countries, the role of supply-side factors varies: a higher supply of university-educated immigrants is positively associated with the likelihood of overeducation in Canada but not in the United States, pointing to an oversupply of high-skilled immigrants relative to Canada's smaller economy. Also, in Canada the overeducation rate is significantly lower for immigrants who came through employer selection (i.e., those who worked in Canada before obtaining permanent residence) than for those admitted directly from abroad through the point system. Overall, the findings suggest that a merit-based immigration system likely works better when it takes into consideration domestic labor-market demand and the role of employer selection.

This study examines the earnings advantage of economic immigrants who initially arrived as temporary foreign workers (TFWs) over immigrants who were directly selected from abroad. Using the Longitudinal Immigration Database, this study finds that skilled versus non‐skilled prior Canadian work experience matters significantly to after‐immigration earnings. Former skilled TFWs had much higher initial earnings than immigrants who first arrived in Canada as landed immigrants. This earnings gap narrowed in the first 10 years but did not disappear. In comparison, former non‐skilled TFWs had significantly lower initial earnings and slower earnings growth than immigrants without prior Canadian experience.

Do refugees have lower levels of positive mental health than other migrants? If so, to what extent is this attributable to post-migration experiences, including discrimination? How does gender affect the relationships between post-migration experience and positive mental health? To address these questions, the current study uses data from Statistics Canada's 2013 General Social Survey (GSS), a nationally representative household study that included 27,695 Canadians 15 years of age and older. The study compares self-reported positive mental health among 651 refugees, 309 economic immigrants, and 448 family class immigrants from 50 source countries. Immigration-related predictors of mental health were examined including sociodemographic characteristics, discrimination, acculturation variables, and experiences of reception. Separate analyses were carried out for women and men. Refugees had lower levels of positive mental health than other migrants. Affiliative feelings towards the source country jeopardized refugee, but not immigrant mental health. A sense of belonging to Canada was a significant predictor of mental health. Perceived discrimination explained refugee mental health disadvantage among men, but not women. Bridging social networks were a mental health asset, particularly for women. The implications of anti-refugee discrimination net of the effects of anti-immigrant and anti-visible minority antipathies are discussed, as well as possible reasons for gender differences in the salience of mental health predictors.

Abstract
While destination-country education provides many potential advantages for immigrants, empirical studies in Australia, Canada and the USA have produced mixed results on the labour outcomes of immigrants who are former international students. This study uses large national longitudinal datasets to examine cross-cohort trends and within-cohort changes in earnings among three groups of young university graduates: immigrants who are former international students in Canada (Canadian-educated immigrants), foreign-educated immigrants who had a university degree before immigrating to Canada and the Canadian-born population. The results show that Canadian-educated immigrants on average had much lower earnings than the Canadian-born population but higher earnings than foreign-educated immigrants both in the short run and in the long run. However, Canadian-educated immigrants are a highly heterogeneous group, and the key factor differentiating their post-immigration earnings from the earnings of the Canadian-born population and foreign-educated immigrants is whether they held a well-paid job in Canada before becoming permanent residents. Furthermore, an extra year of Canadian work experience or an extra year of Canadian education experience before immigration added only a small or no earnings gain after immigration for Canadian-educated immigrants.
JEL Classification: J15, J24, J61