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Medievalist computer games possess a vast reach and potent influence over their audience, but this influence often runs counter to the goals of heritage and teaching practitioners. This piece argues that while the commercial and mechanical requirements of computer games limit the utility of these games as heritage and educational tools on the macro scale, these same qualities enable computer games to engage their players with the Middle Ages in a different manner from other heritage platforms which can be of substantial value.To this end, the piece will first highlight the similarities and differences between computer games and other means of engaging with history and heritage. It will proceed to consider the pressures these differences exert on the representation of history within games alongside the impact of the expectations of audiences and developers about this form of history and about the Middle Ages. Finally, the piece will discuss how these difficulties may be overcome, alleviated or embraced to support broader and deeper engagement with the medieval period and history more generally.

Banner image taken from Assassin's Creed Valhalla: Gold Edition Press kit, Ubisoft, 2020.

The return of Berengar of Ivrea to Italy in 945 was a point of great change for the political networks of the kingdom of Italy. Berengar is typically presented assuming control, first ruling in practice with the Bosonids Hugh and Lothar as puppets, then openly taking the crown following Lothar's death in 950. Berengar, we are told, installed those who supported his insurrection in key positions, and marginalised or suborned those who had supported the Bosonids. This account is based almost exclusively on the narrative of the Antapodosis of Liutprand of Cremona. Liutprand's work had complex personal and political motivations which led him to construct carefully an image of Hugh, Lothar, Berengar and of Italy as a whole. Moreover, Liutprand's narrative conflicts with contemporary accounts of the period, as well as the charter record. This article demonstrates these inconsistencies and describes more nuanced changes in political structures in 945–50.

This article builds on arguments presented in Journal of Medieval History in November 2015 to investigate the relationship between Boniface of Canossa and the Emperor Conrad II. It counters the standard narrative which presents the two figures as close allies throughout Conrad's reign arguing that this account is based too heavily on the account of Donizone of Canossa and on a handful of ambiguous references in other narrative sources, all of which held ulterior motives for portraying Boniface as a loyal and exceptional imperial subject. By looking instead at the charter evidence for the interactions between Boniface and Conrad the article will demonstrate that the interests of these two individuals only coincided in the final years of Conrad's lifetime and that it was only in these years that Boniface moved into a place of influence within the imperial court. This article is relevant to the political history of Italy and the Empire as a whole during the eleventh century. It highlights the importance of the charter evidence in supporting or undermining modern narratives of this period and demonstrates that the complexity of medieval political networks cannot be reduced to a simple binary of allies and enemies.

Between 1050 and 1130 the bishops of Parma were frequently absent from the city. The bishops Cadalus (1045-1072), Eberard (1072-1085) and Vido (1085-1104) all appeared in imperial armies for extended periods. Bishop Bernard (1104-1133) was expelled by groups within the city for several years. This paper will investigate the relationship between these absences and changes in the structures of power and authority within the city and county of Parma. The bishops of Parma were some of the most powerful ecclesiastical figures in Italy under the Ottonian and early Salian emperors. They enjoyed a large territory and a series of rights and exemptions allowing them to act decisively within the region; a key example of this was the prolonged attempt by Cadalus, bishop of Parma, to claim the papal seat as Honorious II in 1061-1072. However, towards the end of the eleventh century the bishops of Parma featured less prominently in the ongoing papal-imperial conflict. By the middle of the twelfth century they had been largely replaced by the commune of Parma as the dominant force in the city. Authors such as Schumann, Fasoli and Santifaller have seen this change in the political structure of Parma as the result of the imposition of Gregorian and Paterene ideals on the bishopric which called for the reduction or elimination of the secular roles of the bishop. However, the extended absences of the bishops from the city have not been considered in this context in any real depth. By considering the political, judicial and economic infrastructures employed during these absences I will attempt to establish whether a causal or consequential link can be made to the bishops' diminishing secular role.

This article builds on arguments presented in Journal of Medieval History in November 2015 to investigate the relationship between Boniface of Canossa and the Emperor Conrad II. It counters the standard narrative which presents the two figures as close allies throughout Conrad's reign arguing that this account is based too heavily on the account of Donizone of Canossa and on a handful of ambiguous references in other narrative sources, all of which held ulterior motives for portraying Boniface as a loyal and exceptional imperial subject. By looking instead at the charter evidence for the interactions between Boniface and Conrad the article will demonstrate that the interests of these two individuals only coincided in the final years of Conrad's lifetime and that it was only in these years that Boniface moved into a place of influence within the imperial court. This article is relevant to the political history of Italy and the Empire as a whole during the eleventh century. It highlights the importance of the charter evidence in supporting or undermining modern narratives of this period and demonstrates that the complexity of medieval political networks cannot be reduced to a simple binary of allies and enemies.

This article builds on arguments presented in Journal of Medieval History in November 2015 to investigate the relationship between Boniface of Canossa and the Emperor Conrad II. It counters the standard narrative which presents the two figures as close allies throughout Conrad's reign arguing that this account is based too heavily on the account of Donizone of Canossa and on a handful of ambiguous references in other narrative sources, all of which held ulterior motives for portraying Boniface as a loyal and exceptional imperial subject. By looking instead at the charter evidence for the interactions between Boniface and Conrad the article will demonstrate that the interests of these two individuals only coincided in the final years of Conrad's lifetime and that it was only in these years that Boniface moved into a place of influence within the imperial court. This article is relevant to the political history of Italy and the Empire as a whole during the eleventh century. It highlights the importance of the charter evidence in supporting or undermining modern narratives of this period and demonstrates that the complexity of medieval political networks cannot be reduced to a simple binary of allies and enemies.

Imperial charters issued to the cities of Italy in the eleventh and early twelfth century have been studied extensively for their presentation of social groups and the interaction of these groups with the imperial court. However, these studies have generally overlooked the role of these documents as political rhetoric. This paper argues that the terms and phrasing used to describe the people of Mantua in the imperial charters of the eleventh century were chosen for their political and ideological power, not for their ability to indicate a concrete social group.

Imperial charters issued to the cities of Italy in the eleventh and early twelfth century have been studied extensively for their presentation of social groups and the interaction of these groups with the imperial court. However, these studies have generally overlooked the role of these documents as political rhetoric. This paper argues that the terms and phrasing used to describe the people of Mantua in the imperial charters of the eleventh century were chosen for their political and ideological power, not for their ability to indicate a concrete social group.

Imperial charters issued to the cities of Italy in the eleventh and early twelfth century have been studied extensively for their presentation of social groups and the interaction of these groups with the imperial court. However, these studies have generally overlooked the role of these documents as political rhetoric. This paper argues that the terms and phrasing used to describe the people of Mantua in the imperial charters of the eleventh century were chosen for their political and ideological power, not for their ability to indicate a concrete social group.

Boniface of Canossa is a figure of great importance to the political and military history of eleventh-century Italy. Modern historiography has almost universally argued that Boniface gained his power through a close relationship and alliance with a series of German emperors. Most accounts see Boniface's fall and eventual murder in 1052 as a direct consequence of the breakdown of this relationship. This analysis is flawed, however, as it rests predominantly on the evidence of a single source: the Vita Mathildis by Donizone of Canossa. This document was produced more than half a century after the death of Boniface by an author who held complex political goals, but these have not been fully considered in the discussion of Boniface. Through the examination of the charter sources, this article argues that Donizone misrepresented Boniface's actions and that there is considerable evidence that Boniface was not a consistent ally of the German emperors.

Boniface of Canossa is a figure of great importance to the political and military history of eleventh-century Italy. Modern historiography has almost universally argued that Boniface gained his power through a close relationship and alliance with a series of German emperors. Most accounts see Boniface's fall and eventual murder in 1052 as a direct consequence of the breakdown of this relationship. This analysis is flawed, however, as it rests predominantly on the evidence of a single source: the Vita Mathildis by Donizone of Canossa. This document was produced more than half a century after the death of Boniface by an author who held complex political goals, but these have not been fully considered in the discussion of Boniface. Through the examination of the charter sources, this article argues that Donizone misrepresented Boniface's actions and that there is considerable evidence that Boniface was not a consistent ally of the German emperors.

Boniface of Canossa is a figure of great importance to the political and military history of eleventh-century Italy. Modern historiography has almost universally argued that Boniface gained his power through a close relationship and alliance with a series of German emperors. Most accounts see Boniface's fall and eventual murder in 1052 as a direct consequence of the breakdown of this relationship. This analysis is flawed, however, as it rests predominantly on the evidence of a single source: the Vita Mathildis by Donizone of Canossa. This document was produced more than half a century after the death of Boniface by an author who held complex political goals, but these have not been fully considered in the discussion of Boniface. Through the examination of the charter sources, this article argues that Donizone misrepresented Boniface's actions and that there is considerable evidence that Boniface was not a consistent ally of the German emperors.

Introduction: Accuracy and Authenticity, Karl Alvestad (University of South-Eastern Norway, Norway) and Robert Houghton (University of Winchester, UK) -- Part I. Defining and Claiming Accuracy and Authenticity -- 1. 'History is Our Playground': Accuracy, Authenticity and Historical Media, Andrew Elliot (University of Lincoln, UK) -- 2. The 'Accurate' Deeds of our Fathers: The Changing Narrative of the Foundation of Norway, Karl Alvestad (University of South-Eastern Norway, Norway) -- 3. Medieval Objects in Modern Buildings: Medievalism, Family Identities and Critical Heritage Studies, Linsey Hunter (University of the Highlands and Islands, UK) -- 4. Where do the 'White Middle Ages' Come From? Helen Young (University of Sydney, Australia) -- 5. Modding History: Games Culture and the Constitution of the Authentic/Accurate, Adam Chapman (University of Gothenburg, Sweden) -- Part II. Exploring and Perpetuating (In)Accuracy and (In)Authenticity -- 6. Symbol or Falsehood? The Evolution of the Image of Wallace's Two-Handed Sword, Laura Harrison (University of Edinburgh, UK) -- 7. Authenticity and the Depiction of Medieval Medicine and Science in Modern Film and Television, April Harper (SUNY Oneonta, USA) -- 8. Audience Receptions of the Medieval on the Small and Silver Screen, Sian Beavers (Open University, UK) -- 9. ''Tis But a Scratch': Medieval Martial Arts in Modern Media, Jacob Deacon (University of Leeds, UK) -- 10. Absent Mothers: The Feminized 'Dark Ages' in Modern Board and Card Game Cultures, Daisy Black (University of Wolverhampton, UK) -- Part III. Creating Accuracy and Authenticity -- 11. The Tourist Gaze the 'Medieval' Landscape, Megan Arnott (Western Michigan University, USA) -- 12. Playing at the Crossroads of Religion and Law: Historical Milieu and Context in 'Lost & Found', Owen Gottleib (Rochester Institute of Technology, USA) -- 13. Playing Modding for 'Realism' and 'Accuracy' in Skyrim, Victoria Cooper (University of Leeds, UK) -- 14. Playing the Taskscapes: Representing Medieval Life through Video Games Technologies, Juan Hiriart (Salford University, UK).