Suchergebnisse

First published in 1999, this volume follows the interactions between the United Democratic Front (UDF) and the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), which had adopted more revolutionary strategies after their banning in 1960, over the period 1983-87. Only a few studies of the UDF have aimed to link revolutionary developments in 1980s South Africa with theories of revolutionary strategy and tactics. This volume focuses on the relation between revolutionary theory, praxis and the formation, aims, policies and practices of the UDF. Houston argues that the formulation of the UDF met certain strategic and tactical requirement of Lenin and Gramsci's theories of revolutionary strategy, repositioning the UDF as becoming a Leninist vanguard party, with its affiliate membership operating largely underground. The volume features 6 detailed maps of the Cape Town area, the Republic of South Africa in the 1980s, the Johannesburg area, the Durban area, the Pretoria area and the Northern Transvaal.

Auseinandersetzung mit dem Einfluß wichtiger Wirtschaftsbereiche auf den Staat im Hinblick auf die konkurrierende Nachfrage nach Arbeitskräften und die davon ausgehenden Wirkungen auf die staatliche Handhabung der Influx-Control-Regelung. Betrachtung von Kapitalbildung und Arbeitskräftebedarf in den Sektoren verarbeitende Industrie, Landwirtschaft und Bergbau. Der Kampf wirtschaftlicher Interessengruppen um politische Macht und die daraus resultierende allmähliche Transformation der Influx Control und deren zunehmend selektive Anwendung, die einige Wirtschaftsbereiche begünstigte, andere benachteiligte. Erst in den letzten Jahren Übergang zu einer einheitlichen, nicht partiell diskriminierenden Arbeitsmarktpolitik. (DÜI-Hlb)

This article analyses the emphasis given to the teaching of the South African liberation struggle history at the country's universities. Although this history has been analyzed in books, chapters, journal articles, conference papers, theses,and dissertations by South African scholars working in various disciplines, it is generally underrepresented in the curricula of the country's universities. This absence stems, at least in part, from the racial segregation that divided South African universities until the end of Apartheid in 1994. Today, the overwhelming majority of lecturers devote, on average, six or fewer of their annual class sessions to the subject, when most university modules run from seven to fourteen weeks. Despite the limited time given to topics on South African liberation struggle history, a majority of academics surveyed in history and political science departments believe that their institution's undergraduate curriculum deals sufficiently with the history. Thus, aside from some notable exceptions, South African departments of history and political science have failed to integrate this eld within the broader study of national history. As a result, most university-educated South Africans lack post-secondary formal study on the history of the liberation struggle, a reality that affects the development of research and scholarship on this topic.

Die Partizipation gesellschaftlicher Gruppen am politischen Prozess wird in vier Fallstudien untersucht: die Beteiligung von Interessengruppen an der Formulierung einer wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsstrategie, die Teilhabe der Zivilgesellschaft an der Erstellung des öffentlichen Haushalts und, allgemeiner, die mit der Beteiligung an Gesetzgebungsprozessen verbundene soziale Dynamik. Ein weiterer Artikel untersucht die Partizipation an Prozessen der integrierten Entwicklungsplanung der lokalen Regierung in Pretoria. Trotz einer Reihe von Schwierigkeiten und Problemen, so die Herausgeber in ihrem Resümee, seien in Südafrika bereits wichtige Schritte in Richtung auf direkte Demokratie und Beteiligung der Bürger gemacht worden. (DÜI-Sbd)

The authors of this volume assess South Africa's transition to democracy on a variety of criteria ranging from state structures performance by government, public opinion and political participation. They argue that a new culture of participatory governance is emerging in the country. However the editors conclude that democracy will not be consolidated as long as inequality coincides with race. (DÜI-Sbd)

South Africa launched a mass COVID-19 vaccination campaign in May 2021, targeting 40 million adults. Understanding predictors of COVID-19 vaccine intentions was required to achieve this goal. We conducted a population-based survey in June–July 2021 using the WHO Behavioral and Social Drivers (BeSD) of COVID-19 Vaccination tool to determine predictors of vaccine hesitancy, defined as intention to refuse or uncertainty whether to accept COVID-19 vaccination. There were 1193 participants, mean age 39 (standard deviation 15) years, and 53% women, of whom 58% trusted information provided by healthcare workers and 32% were vaccine hesitant. Independent predictors of vaccine hesitancy included concerns about side effects (odds ratio (OR) 11.41; 95% confidence interval (CI) 3.5–50.80), lack of access to the online vaccine registration platform (OR 4.75; CI 2.15–10.37), distrust of government (OR 3.0; CI 1.33–6.77), belief in conspiracy theories (OR 3.01; CI 1.32–6.77), having no monthly income (OR 1.84; CI 1.12–3.07), and depending on someone else to make vaccination decision (OR 2.47; CI 1.06–5.77). We identified modifiable predictors of vaccine hesitancy at the start of South Africa's COVID-19 vaccination rollout. These factors should be addressed by different stakeholders involved in the national immunization program through tailored communication and other effective strategies that increase vaccine literacy, reach low-income households, and engender confidence in government.