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Intro -- Title Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Foreword -- Introduction -- PART ONE: Origins -- Chapter One: The Crossroads Cabinet -- Chapter Two: The Wind Changes -- Chapter Three: The Seventy-Niners -- Chapter Four: The Tigress Emerges -- Chapter Five: Manoeuvres at Court -- Chapter Six: Origins and Fears -- Chapter Seven: Unspinning the Past -- PART TWO: Roots and False Dawns -- Chapter Eight: Roots of the Revolution -- Chapter Nine: Heath and Hopes -- Chapter Ten: Wrong from the Start -- Chapter Eleven: A Diversion: What If? -- Chapter Twelve: A Tale of Two Roles -- Chapter Thirteen: Ireland, Europe and the Eternal Question -- PART THREE: The Inheritance -- Chapter Fourteen: Technology Unravels the Global Order -- Chapter Fifteen: Asian Reset -- Chapter Sixteen: The Mother of All Networks -- Chapter Seventeen: Flaws in the Tapestry -- Chapter Eighteen: What Is to Be Done? -- Chapter Nineteen: The New Labyrinth -- Chapter Twenty: The Case for Looking Back -- Chapter Twenty-one: How to Safeguard Democracy Now -- Chapter Twenty-two: Conclusions, Answers, Lessons, Hopes -- Chapter Twenty-three: Afterthoughts: On the Head of a Dictator, the Power of Us and Catching Up -- Appendix I: A 'Chequered Career' -- Appendix II: The Times: Mr Howell's Account of the Whitelaw Years in Belfast -- Bibliography -- Index -- By the Same Author -- Copyright.

Oswald Mosley has been reviled as a fascist and lamented as the lost leader of both Conservative and Labour Parties. Concerned to articulate the demands of the war generation and to pursue an agenda for economic and political modernization his ultimate rejection of existing institutions and practices led him to fascism

In an international landscape, where emerging newly empowered states are projecting economic and political challenges from Asia, Africa and Latin America, countries like Britain have to redefine roles for themselves in a new order that has reshaped the world. These new roles, as envisaged by David Howell, will rely far more on connectivities and fluid networks than on geographically defined blocs. How will Britain fare in this entirely new international landscape? With power and influence shifting to the developing world, and with a growing network of hyper-connections and communications between nations, Britain is already fundamentally re-positioned. In this context, Howell presents a unique solution: engage with and re-energise the existing Commonwealth network of nations which is bound together by history and cultural connections. Emphasizing the importance of soft power in the digital age, the author argues against the restrictions posed by traditional blocs and for the dynamism which Commonwealth linkages offer. Challenging traditionally accepted economic and political theories, Howell presents a unique new perspective on international and diplomatic relations in the 21st Century.

The Labour Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald broke with his party in the financial crisis of August 1931. Thereafter, he and his small band of supporters were reviled in Labour circles as traitors, yet he had previously dominated the Labour Party for almost a decade. This book explores the development of the Labour Party culture that upheld MacDonald but was later used against him. The result is a distinctive understanding of the 1931 crisis from within the LabourMovement.

This study offers a detailed analysis of Labour in the 1920s, based on a wide variety of unpublished sources. The emphasis is on the variety of personalities within the party, demonstrating how disputes over identity made a crucial contribution to the 1931 crisis

This article considers the Cheltenham: Diaspora project, an exploration and promotion of migration heritage narratives in Cheltenham (UK). Cheltenham has a diverse history, but heritage provision in the locality has been consistently concentrated on 18th and 19th century Regency architecture. This has led to a marginalisation of non-elite heritage narratives, with no permanent platform for culturally diverse heritage themes in the region. In addition, informal, online history themed social media groups have, rather than expand heritage narratives, ultimately further narrowed heritage discussions. The Diaspora project looked to challenge the lack of diversity in the authorised heritage discourse, and informal online discourses of Cheltenham's heritage, while enhancing the democratic nature of research projects coming out of the University of Gloucestershire. This paper considers the difficulties encountered in attempting to democratise heritage research, in a cultural climate that is rigid in its perception of what counts as 'heritage' and what is deemed as relevant by more 'vocal' local stakeholder groups. Ultimately the project reveals that while social media provides a useful avenue through which diverse heritage narratives can be pursued and promoted, ingrained attitudes regarding authorised forms of heritage are robust and resistant to the introduction of the unfamiliar.