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The recent rise of international trade courts and tribunals deserves systemic study and in-depth analysis. This volume gathers contributions from experts specialised in different regional adjudicators of trade disputes and scrutinises their operations in the light of the often-debated legitimacy issues. It not only looks into prominent adjudicators that have played a significant role for global and regional integration; it also encloses the newly established and/or less-known judicial actors. Critical topics covered range from procedures and legal techniques during the adjudication process to the pre- and post-adjudication matters in relation to forum selection and decision implementation. The volume features cross-cutting interdisciplinary discussions among academics and practitioners, lawyers, philosophers and political scientists. In addition to fulfilling the research vacuum, it aims to address the challenges and opportunities faced in international trade adjudication.

Leo Strauss is known to many people as a thinker of the right, who inspired hawkish views on national security and perhaps advocated war without limits. Moving beyond gossip and innuendo about Strauss's followers and the Bush administration, this book provides the first comprehensive analysis of Strauss's writings on political violence, considering also what he taught in the classroom on this subject. In stark contrast to popular perception, Strauss emerges as a man of peace, favorably disposed to international law and skeptical of imperialism - a critic of radical ideologies who warns of the dangers to free thought and civil society when intellectuals ally themselves with movements that advocate violence. Robert Howse provides new readings of Strauss's confrontation with fascist/Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt, his debate with Alexandre Kojève about philosophy and tyranny, and his works on Machiavelli and Thucydides and examines Strauss's lectures on Kant's Perpetual Peace and Grotius's Rights of War and Peace

AbstractNothing has done more to shake confidence in the World Trade Organization, and create uncertainty in rules‐based international trade, than the demise of the WTO's Appellate Body (AB). Given the design of the WTO Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU), in the absence of a functioning Appellate Body, members cannot have confidence in the finality or enforceability of panel rulings. Thus, a fundamental premise of the legal commitments under WTO treaties is undermined. The collapse of the AB is due to a decision of the Trump Administration systematically to block new appointments to fill vacancies. This move, unprecedented in US trade policy in the WTO era, and not supported by any other WTO member, has completely failed as means of pressing the Administration's complaints about 'judicial overreach' in the Appellate Body. This single Trump decision can easily be reversed by the Biden Administration stating that it is prepared to participate in good faith in a new process for selecting AB members. In this article, I suggest how the Appellate Body appointment process might go forward in the current context, addressing concerns of the US and some others about the past performance of the AB.

Abstract
A range of WTO scholars, policy experts, and governmental officials have bought into the notion that the Trump Administration's unilateralism and its assault on China's trade policies and practices could and should be channeled instead into WTO reform efforts. While dealing with China through unilateral tariff hikes and more recently a bilateral phase I agreement, the notion of addressing some concerns through WTO reform has not fallen entirely on a deaf ear in the Administration. Thus, Japan and the EU have been able to engage the Administration in an initiative to revise and add new WTO rules in the areas of subsidies, state enterprises, and forced technology transfer. This article offers a critical assessment of this initiative, arguing that by and large the proposed changes will add incoherence to existing WTO rules and make it more difficult for WTO Members to engage in economic and industrial policies that are needed, for example, to the address the economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Columbia University's Mark Lilla is an erudite and engaging historian of ideas, concentrating on political thought from the 18th century to the 20th. In his latest book "The Once and Future Liberal", Lilla attacks the current style of liberal politics, exemplified by professors, intellectuals and activists in social movements, as contemptuous of real-world electoral politics and of ordinary Americans.