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"This volume presents a selection of the most compelling political writings from early colonial Latin America that address the themes of conquest, colonialism, and enslavement. The anthology centers the voices of Indigenous peoples, whose writings constitute six of the fifteen chapters while also including women's, African, and Jewish perspectives"--

This volume presents a selection of the most compelling political writings from early colonial Latin America that address the themes of conquest, colonialism, and enslavement. The anthology centers the voices of Indigenous peoples, whose writings constitute six of the fifteen chapters while also including women's, African, and Jewish perspectives.

Taking power in Nicaragua in 1979 as a revolutionary party, the Sandinista Liberation Front (FSLN) was willing to put its fate in the hands of the Nicaraguan people twice, in 1984 and 1990. The party wrote a democratic constitution and then, remarkably, accepted the decision of the majority by relinquishing power upon its defeat in the 1990 elections. Hoyt examines the conflicts surrounding the development of ideas within the FSLN as well as the strengths and weaknesses of its rare combination of democratic and vanguard principles. The Many Faces of Sandinista Democracy explores conflicts involving different visions of economic democracy, as well as new radical thought on participatory democracy. Hoyt brings to an international audience for the first time a study of the ideas of several Nicaraguan thinkers. A postscript deals with the aftermath of the 1996 elections, in which the Sandinistas failed to return to power.

Overlapping transnational networks attempted to reconcile divergent perspectives— some favoring rejection, others reform—and leverage change in the U.S. government's framing of the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). The experience of the Stop CAFTA Coalition shows that protest movements cannot be fully understood from the perspective of a single period in time. Core coalition members began organizing decades prior to CAFTA's proposal, generally on a topic other than free trade, and their solidarity-based decision-making model was fundamental to their decision to reject rather than attempt to reform CAFTA—since this was the position of their Central American partner organizations. A split between reforming CAFTA and more radically transforming free trade with the United States emerged as a fault line in CAFTA opposition, but solidarity groups maintained their anti-free-trade position even as they cooperated within networks representing distinct interests.