Suchergebnisse

This paper analyses the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's (TRC) inclusion, or lack thereof, of Municipalities as a critical power structure in the process of decolonization and resurgence across settler-colonial Canada. The TRC only called upon Municipalities five times, suggesting that they have little importance to the process. This indicates that it is up to the Federal and Provincial governments to address the calls to action, to which they would only be able to apply a top-down and "one size fits all" approach. This approach is insufficient because many diverse subgroups of Indigenous people live across Canada. So, who will effectively help develop policies, resources, and urban planning for the local Indigenous communities? That would have to be municipalities, unlike what the TRC is suggesting. Municipalities are more capable of providing a grass-roots approach to urban planning and policymaking when addressing the calls to action, something the other levels of government can not do, therefore, defying the ideology of being known as "Creatures of the Province" and signifying their importance to the process. Throughout this paper, I identify how municipalities can effectively take on the calls to action by recognizing and including the unique Indigenous identities within urban spaces, a requirement in accomplishing true reconciliation, decolonization, and Indigenous resurgence.

This article considers the religious and spiritual aspect of the Euromaidan protests; specifically, the role of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate and to what extent the UOC(MP) can justifiably be seen as a tool of Russian 'soft power' cultural and ideational influence. It examines the degree of institutional and ideological leverage that Moscow is able to exercise over the Ukrainian church, and then explores the position of the church during the protests, and how this has affected the authority and legitimacy of its standing as an opinion leader in Ukrainian society in the wake of the 'Revolution of Dignity'.

This article argues that for all its efforts to implement soft power techniques, the Kremlin still fails to grasp the subtle, voluntaristic essence of soft power. This is reflected in a style of public interaction that has practical implications for how Russian soft power overtures are received by the audience. This is demonstrated through the findings of mixed-method empirical research from four Ukrainian regions. Thus, while surveys show that the worldview promoted by Russian public diplomacy resonates to some extent, insights from focus groups indicate that potential attraction is nevertheless limited by Russia's 'hard' and obtrusive approach to cultural influence.

This book examines the social and political mobilisation of religious communities towards forced displacement in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. It analyses religious strategies in relation to tolerance and transitory environments as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, the post-2011 Syrian crisis and the 2014 Russian takeover of Crimea. How do religious actors and state bodies engage with refugees and migrants? What are the mechanisms of religious support towards forcibly displaced communities? The book argues that when states do not act as providers of human security, religious communities, as representatives of civil society and often closer to the grass roots level, can be well placed to serve populations in need. The book brings together scholars from across the region and provides a comprehensive overview of the ways in which religious communities tackle humanitarian crises in contemporary Armenia, Bulgaria, Greece, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Poland, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine and Uzbekistan