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In this paper, we present a localization of a mobile robot with localization modules which have two ceiling-view cameras in indoor environments. We propose two kinds of localization method. The one is the localization in the local space; we use the line feature and the corner feature between the ceiling and wall. The other is the localization in the large space; we use the natural features such as bulbs, structures on the ceiling. These methods are installed on the embedded module able to mount on the robot. The embedded module has two cameras to be able to localize in both the local space and the large spaces. The experiment is practiced in our indoor test-bed and a government office. The proposed method is proved by the experimental results.

AbstractCorruption is regularly treated as a barrier to infrastructure, development and growth. However, in Saigon, corruption itself has become an infrastructure in Vietnam's late‐socialist urban transformation. This infrastructure facilitates not only growth in the form of transnational investment, property speculation and construction, but allows for different kinds of planning and development practice as well. Perceptions about corruption in Vietnam, and in Saigon specifically, shape market and planning practices that structure the terms on which interested parties from abroad and internally speculate upon and ultimately develop urban projects. This is not a static formulation of corruption. Rather, corruption and the various political and policy responses to it constantly shape how brokers, developers and financiers renegotiate how the city becomes a knowable object for investment, legible to the calculations of both risk and reward used by global investors as well as to those who enact the embedded bureaucratic, legal and political practices that create Saigon's built environment. In this article I argue that different definitions and policy responses to corruption in effect create variable ways of seeing the city (as well as modes of being seen) that have an impact on the material realities of the metropolis—the types of connections produced with transnational finance, the legal and regulatory structure under which urbanization unfolds, and the types of players, firms and officials involved.

This report summarizes the discussions that took place on 8- 16 November 2007 at an Asian Development Bank - sponsored workshop on Urban Development Experience of the PRC and India with Private Sector Participation. The workshop was held in the People's Republic of China, where high-level officials of central, state, and municipal governments from India were invited to share the vision and experience of the two countries. Particular emphasis was given to the role of the private sector in the provision of urban infrastructure and services. The mobile workshop for the participants from India was conducted in the cities of Beijing, Suzhou, and Shenzhen.

This report summarizes the discussions that took place on 8- 16 November 2007 at an Asian Development Bank - sponsored workshop on Urban Development Experience of the PRC and India with Private Sector Participation. The workshop was held in the People's Republic of China, where high-level officials of central, state, and municipal governments from India were invited to share the vision and experience of the two countries. Particular emphasis was given to the role of the private sector in the provision of urban infrastructure and services. The mobile workshop for the participants from India was conducted in the cities of Beijing, Suzhou, and Shenzhen.

Wie konnte es geschehen, dass ein Rechtsbuch über Völkerrecht eines Heidelberger Professors einen derartigen Einfluss auf das späte Königreich Choson hatte, so dass hieraus ein neues Kaiserreich entstand?Die Arbeit rekonstruiert, wie der koreanische Hof euroamerikanische Verfassungs- und Völkerrechtskonzepte sowie neue Kategorien des politischen Denkens diskutierte, die in der chinesischen Übersetzung von Bluntschlis "Völkerrecht" übermittelt wurden, und auf dieser Grundlage das Dae Han Kaiserreich errichtete. Dabei bildet die kontextualisierte Quellenanalyse der Verhandlungsprotokolle zwischen dem König und seinen Ministern einen Schwerpunkt der Arbeit. Sie zeigt das intellektuelle Verständnis der Protagonisten über die neuen Begriffe, Ideen und Konzepte aus einem historisch, politisch und sozial vollständig anders gewachsenen Raum und analysiert, wie Bluntschlis Völkerrechtsbuch im Streben nach Unabhängigkeit, Souveränität und Eintritt in die Staatenfamilie bewusst verzerrt wurde

Although semi-presidentialism is a popular form of governance in new democracies, we have little empirical evidence supporting its popularity. In this study, I attempt to reassess democratic performance of new semi-presidential regimes from 1974 to 2009 as a function of four broadly cited risk factors: divided minority government, cohabitation, presidential powers and president-parliamentarism. The results are more encouraging than previous research has suggested. First, divided minority government is positively associated with higher levels of democracy, even though it, along with a strong presidency and president-parliamentarism, makes executive instability more likely. Second, perils of cohabitation are not substantiated with regard to executive instability and quality of democracy. Third, none of the caveats against semi-presidential systems makes them more vulnerable to democratic breakdown. However, a failure to check presidential powers appears to be a serious risk for semi-presidentialism. As presidents enjoy more powers, the levels of democracy tend to decrease. This finding has a substantive implication for countries that already practise semi-presidential governance or contemplate a move in that direction: checking presidential powers is critical to facilitate democratic consolidation in semi-presidentialism.

Research on presidentialism has long assumed that presidential impeachment is a rare event, made difficult by design in order to enhance government stability. However, the experience of Third Wave democracies suggests that more presidents have been targets of impeachment attempts than the literature might lead us to expect. In this article I seek to identify the factors that make directly elected presidents more or less vulnerable to impeachment attempts in Third Wave presidential democracies from 1974 to 2003. I find several factors that mobilize deputies against the president: presidential involvement in political scandal, strong presidential powers, and a hostile civil society. Presidents are more likely to fend off such efforts when their party commands a higher share of seats. I also find that popular protest against a president helps to prompt a congressional impeachment drive. Frequent efforts to resolve presidential crises via such legal procedures may explain in part why extra-constitutional means of conflict resolution have become a less attractive option in new democracies. Adapted from the source document.