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Many believe the recent deterioration in US-China relations represents a 'New Cold War' rooted in ideological differences. However, such differences did not prevent the two countries from pursuing economic integration and geopolitical cooperation in the 1990s and 2000s. Ho-fung Hung argues that what underlies the change in US-China relations is the changing relationship between US-China corporations. Following China's slowdown after 2010, state-backed Chinese corporations turned increasingly aggressive when they expanded in both domestic and global markets. This was at the expense of US corporations, who then halted their previously intense lobbying for China in Washington. Simultaneously, China's export of industrial overcapacity has provoked geopolitical competition with the United States. The resulting dynamic, Hung argues, resembles interimperial rivalry among the great powers at the turn of the twentieth century.

"For decades, Hong Kong has maintained precarious freedom at the edge of competing world powers. In City on the Edge, Ho-fung Hung offers a timely and engaging account of Hong Kong's development from precolonial times to the present, with particular focus on the post 1997 handover period. Through careful analysis of vast economic data, a myriad of political events, and intricate networks of actors and ideas, Hung offers readers insight into the fraught economic, political, and social forces that led to the 2019 uprising, while situating the protests in the context of global finance and the geopolitics of the US-China rivalry. A provocative contribution to the discussion on Hong Kong's position in today's world, City on the Edge demonstrates that the resistance and repression of 2019-2020 does not spell the end of Hong Kong but the beginning of a long conflict with global repercussions."

"Many thought China's rise would fundamentally remake the global order. Yet, much like other developing nations, the Chinese state now finds itself in a status quo characterized by free trade and American domination. Through a cutting-edge historical, sociological, and political analysis, Ho-fung Hung details the competing interests and economic realities that temper the dream of Chinese supremacy--forces that are stymieing growth throughout the global South. Hung focuses on four common misconceptions: that China could undermine orthodoxy by offering an alternative model of growth; that China is radically altering power relations between the East and the West; that China is capable of diminishing the global power of the United States; and that the Chinese economy would restore the world's wealth after the 2008 financial crisis. His work reveals how much China depends on the existing order and how the interests of the Chinese elites maintain these ties. Through its perpetuation of the dollar standard and its addiction to U.S. Treasury bonds, China remains bound to the terms of its own prosperity, and its economic practices of exploiting debt bubbles are destined to fail. Hung ultimately warns of a postmiracle China that will grow increasingly assertive in attitude while remaining constrained in capability."--Cover page 4

Market expansion, state centralization, and Neo-Confucianism in Qing China -- Documenting the three waves of Mid-Qing protest -- Filial-loyal demonstrations, 1740-1759 -- Riots into rebellion, 1776-1795 -- Resistance and petitions, 1820-1839 -- Mid-Qing protests in comparative perspective -- Epilogue: The past in the present

ABSTRACTIn 2003, the SARS pandemic led to a framework of global public health governance which was characterized by cooperation between the USA and China, and China's increasing influence in the World Health Organization. In the wake of the global financial crisis of 2008, major economies of the world, above all the USA, established the standard of aggressive fiscal and monetary expansion to mitigate any major crisis of the global economy. The effectiveness of such expansions in bringing global economic recovery without fuelling out‐of‐control inflation hinged on the deepening of US–China economic integration. These global health and economic governance frameworks, which emerged from two previous crises, conditioned the global response to the COVID‐19 pandemic in 2020. Ironically, the COVID‐19 crisis and the global responses to it undermined the legitimacy of the global public health governing institutions and further aggravated US–China rivalry, which had started before the pandemic. On the other hand, the crisis sustained economic integration between the two countries, despite the US–China trade war that began on the eve of the pandemic. This contradictory geopolitical and geo‐economic fallout of the COVID‐19 crisis will bring more uncertainty and instability to the global order in the wake of the pandemic.

Since the 1980s, globalization has reduced between-country inequality and increased within-country inequality in most countries. There has been a debate about whether global inequality, which combines both between- and within-country inequalities, increased or decreased. With more adequate and updated data over the past two decades, this debate has been settled. Global inequality unmistakably diminished in the age of globalization. Underlying this reduction in aggregate global inequality is the rise of China and India into the middle strata of the global income distribution, income stagnation of the working class in rich countries, and the expansion of internal inequality in poor and rich countries. This shift in global income distribution contributed to new geopolitical conflicts and political backlash against globalization in the developed world. This global distributive politics will in turn determine the future of globalization and shape the trajectory of global income inequality change.

On the origins and consequences of Trump's attempt to de-globalize the American economy, from working-class living standards to the global balance of power.

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