Suchergebnisse

Examines religious affiliation differences in secular status & religious involvement among English-speaking Hispanics living in the US, based on secondary analysis of General Social Survey data, 1972-1996, comparing Hispanic Catholics & non-Catholics. Both ordinary least squares & logistic regression analyses indicate that Hispanic Protestants have higher levels of religious involvement than do Hispanic Catholics, but there is no clear connection between Protestant affiliation & higher secular status. English-speaking Hispanics connected to mainline Protestant denominations have higher status than do Hispanic Catholics, but conservative Protestants do not differ from Catholics in status. These & other findings indicate little support for a Weberian interpretation of Protestantism among English-speaking Hispanics in the US. That many varieties of Hispanic Protestantism may represent new variations on the theme of Hispanic popular religion is suggested as a guide to future research. 4 Tables, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

A secondary analysis was conducted of data from 4,381 black respondents to the 1972-1994 General Social Surveys, employing both descriptive statistics & dummy variable regression analyses to examine trends in religious affiliation within nationwide samples, by region, & for different birth cohorts. Results indicate that (1) there has been a clear decline in membership in segregated black churches; (2) black Catholics have higher status than most blacks, but are not clearly distinctive in that regard; & (3) there are few general connections between conversion & higher secular status, though there are some limited conversion effects specific to the experience of different generations. The segregated black church is losing membership, & blacks are moving to more racially integrated affiliations. Historically white affiliations, eg, Catholicism, appear not to be experiencing growing black membership by processes of conversion, as they once did. Instead, there is membership growth in fundamentalist affiliations, which are also more integrated than the historically black denominations. Black Catholicism may still convey a status advantage on elements of the black middle class, but it is no longer the major integrated alternative to the mainstream black denominations. 4 Tables, 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

A secondary analysis of data from the 1984 National Alcohol Survey for 5,221 respondents (with a heavy oversampling of blacks & Hispanics) is drawn on to explore the extent & meaning of religious shifts of persons of Hispanic origin from Catholicism to Protestantism & other "alternative" religious affiliations in the US. Comparisons of Catholics & non-Catholics are made by using descriptive statistics & regression analyses controlling for a variety of demographic factors. Analyses show that significant numbers of Hispanics are turning to non-Catholic affiliations, especially those who are English-speaking, third-generation Americans, & residents of areas of low Hispanic concentration. Additionally, while non-Catholic Hispanics are socially distinctive in having higher levels of church attendance & attenuated Hispanic identification, they are, for the most part, not higher in secular status compared to Catholics. Hispanics are shifting away from Catholicism, but Protestantism probably does not represent a new institutional path toward assimilation & upward mobility for this rapidly growing minority group. 3 Tables, 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the effect of Catholic religious affiliation on the socioeconomic status of black Americans, focusing on the role of racial integration & conversion to Catholicism. A secondary analysis of personal interviews from the 1984 National Alcohol Survey was performed to determine secular status differences between black Protestants & Catholics (N = 1,557 & 144, respectively). Controlling for background, demographic, & contextual factors, analyses revealed regional & generational patterns distinctive to black Catholics. While black Catholics were more likely to attend racially integrated churches in all regions, socioeconomic advantages were found only for those living in the North. Also, converts to Catholism had advantages in socioeconomic status among older black Catholics; however, among younger black Catholics, a socioeconomic advantage was associated only with being raised in families with higher status. It is concluded that, although conversion to Catholicism was an important component of status attainment for earlier generations of black Americans, it no longer has a decisive effect. 4 Tables, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

Catholicism is often viewed as economically advantageous for blacks. Data from a study by A. Campbell & H. Schuman (Racial Attitudes in Fifteen American Cities: Black Data File Documentation. Ann Arbor: Instit for Social Research, 1973) are subjected to secondary analysis with a sample size of 3,022 Rs. Rs were classified as high-status Protestant, Baptist, Methodist, other Protestant, or Catholic; & by occupational status, region of childhood, education, age, church attendance, & neighborhood integration. Substantial correlations emerge between Catholic/Protestant affiliation & several secular control variables. When these factors are controlled, the advantage of Catholics over Protestants is all but eliminated. Significant correlations remain after secular factors are controlled for high-status Protestant adherence (.001 level significance, favorable) & for adherence to fundamentalist, pentecostal, or spiritualist sects (.05 level significance, unfavorable). Effects of Catholic affiliation differ between the East & Midwest, suggesting that the effect of Catholicism depends on the historical stage of black Ur settlement. 6 Tables. W. H. Stoddard.

Black Roman Catholicism is typically viewed as providing access to social advancement for blacks; however, it is not clear whether it has become less significant with the growth of black Ur cultural militancy, or has provided an alternative to such militancy. A sample originally taken by G. T. Marx (Protest and Prejudice, New York: Harper & Row, 1969) of 1,119 black adults living in five Ur areas provided a working sample of 1,057 cases, whose religious beliefs, secular statuses, & scores on scales of black self-image, conventional militancy awareness of structural factors in oppression, & belief in collective protests are analyzed. Catholics have higher social status than Protestants other than the Episcopalians/Presbyterians/Congregationalists group. Catholics are more aware of structural factors in racial discrimination, but have low black pride & low advocacy of collective action; they are, however, more militant in conventional terms. SC differences among Catholics are significant for some scales. 3 Tables. W. H. Stoddard.

The concern is with the effects of discrepancy among the status dimensions of occup, educ, income, & racial-ethnic background on att's towards the John Birch Society. 2 models suggesting diff, conflicting, consequences of status discrepancy for pol'al behavior are discussed: (a) the cross-pressures model, & (b) the status-inconsistency model. The effects of both structural & interpersonal variables shaping pol'al att's were examined in a sample of 1,450 S's from a 1964 Election Study conducted by the Survey Center of the U of Michigan. Attachment toward others, status, occup, soc rank by educ'al level, racial-ethnic background, & expectations were the factors investigated. Findings, while not presenting a clear picture & indicating some conceptual inadequacies of the study, allow the general interpretation that certain types of status discrepancy appear to be predisposed by distinct status dilemmas rather than discrepancy per se to either support or reject right-wing pol as exemplified in the John Birch Society. The material suggests that the recurrent association between status discrepancy & pol'al liberalism is probably both theoretically & empirically sound. Control for attachment level indicated that identifying the consequences of status discrepancy entails, in part, specifying the conditions under which distinct status dilemmas are experienced. 3 Tables. M. Maxfield.

ObjectiveWe examine (1) whether black migration trends from the final few decades of the 20th century continued during the first decade of the 21st century, (2) whether the black southern migration stream continues to be demographically distinctive, and (3) whether incorporating subjective/motivational factors into our models advances our understanding of race and interregional migration.MethodsUsing data from the 2000 to 2010 Current Population Surveys, we employ descriptive and inferential statistics to (1) map recent patterns of interregional migration in the United States by race and (2) estimate the effects of race, other sociodemographics, and subjective/motivational factors on people's propensity to migrate to the United States South.ResultsWe find that the rate of black migration to the South continues to exceed that of whites, and that black migrants differ from their white counterparts both demographically and motivationally. We also observe selected gender differences within the black southern migration stream.ConclusionsOur results underscore the need for more research on race, gender, and interregional migration in the United States. We suggest directions for such work, with particular focus on possibilities for further inquiry when 2010 census materials become more widely available.

This paper explores some implications of Hurricane Katrina, especially
as it affected, and will continue to affect, African Americans. Our
observations stem largely from our ongoing examination of the demography
of African Americans, including motivations to leave the South
historically, and recent changes generating a significant "return
migration" of African Americans to the South. The specific case of
Katrina-related migration requires examining issues of race and
class—including the destinations to which Katrina's victims
were displaced and key features of the place to which they might return.
We leave for others the evaluation of ongoing political debates concerning
responsibility for who did what, and why. Our focus is on New Orleans as a
place, and what prospects exist for reconstituting that place in light of
past, present, and prospective demographic trends. We first review recent
work on place and identity, and describe the general features of past
migration patterns of African Americans—both from the South and back
to the South. We then identify important features of New Orleans as a
distinctive place on the U.S. landscape, in part by comparing New Orleans
with other southern cities using the 1% Integrated Public Use Microdata
Series (IPUMS) sample of 2000 U.S. Census data. Finally, we assess the
prospects of the reconstitution of New Orleans as a place resembling what
it was prior to Katrina, by examining the intersecting factors of race,
class, and ethnicity in shaping how, and by whom, the city may be
resettled. We project that the city will be smaller, more White and
Hispanic, more affluent, and more tourism/ entertainment-oriented than
its pre-Katrina reality. Given the difficulty of making such projections,
we conclude with an analysis of various demographic portraits of what the
racial composition of New Orleans may become, depending on (1) its future
size, and (2) relative rates of return migration by White and Black New
Orleanians.

Abstract  Using samples of census data from the University of Minnesota Population Center's "Integrated Public Use Microdata Series" (IPUMS), we describe trends in African‐American migration to the South across recent decades, and explore the applicability of the concept of "return migration" to various demographic patterns. Our findings suggest that the return movement contains multiple migration streams involving African‐Americans of higher socio‐economic status (compared with both origin and destination populations) moving to both urban and rural destinations. These patterns represent clear differences from the earlier 20th century's "Great Migration" of African‐Americans from South to North. The recent return migration streams suggest that the South may be replacing the North as a "land of promise" for some upwardly mobile African‐Americans, and may also reflect what Carol Stack (1996) has termed a "call to home" as a motivating factor shaping recent African‐American migration to the rural South.