Suchergebnisse

This article examines the efforts to establish objective criteria in deciding on appropriate wage levels for non-professional service workers in Ontario's hospital sector during the 1960s and 1970s. Drawing from recent literature in cultural political economy and the politics of valuation, it shows how industrial relations specialists sought to reframe the field of struggle through the practice of interest arbitration. Through a comparative study of arbitration cases in this period, the article explores the complex displacement of expertise from local hospital boards and medical professionals to law professors and labour economists, who sought to establish an industrial jurisprudence that could avoid strikes and lockouts in such essential industries by assigning awards based on the probable outcomes of industrial conflict. No longer were disputes settled through the ideological obfuscations of "justice"; instead, expert arbitrators drew on the science of economics in asserting irrefutable labour market "realities." While pretensions to scientific expertise in the settlement of disputes remained hegemonic through the late 1960s, hospital workers in Ontario, through their unions and in alliance with New Left organizations, effectively reasserted "justice" as a highly contextualized unit of value through their militant struggles in the early 1970s. The article concludes by discussing the tensions and contradictions produced out of these struggles and the subsequent challenges in regulating public-sector labour disputes.
Cet article examine les efforts visant à établir les critères objectifs pour décider des niveaux de salaire appropriés pour les travailleurs des services non professionnels dans le secteur hospitalier de l'Ontario au cours des années 1960 et 1970. S'inspirant de la littérature récente en économie politique culturelle et en politique d'évaluation, il montre comment les spécialistes des relations industrielles ont cherché à recadrer le champ de la lutte par la pratique de l'arbitrage des intérêts. À travers une étude comparative des cas d'arbitrage de cette période, l'article explore le déplacement complexe de l'expertise des conseils d'administration des hôpitaux locaux et des professionnels de la santé vers les professeurs de droit et les économistes du travail, qui ont cherché à établir une jurisprudence industrielle pouvant éviter les grèves et les lock-out dans ces industries essentielles en attribuant des récompenses en fonction des résultats probables de conflit industriel. Les différends n'étaient désormais plus réglés par les obfuscations idéologiques de « justice » ; au lieu de cela, des arbitres experts se sont inspirés de la science économique pour affirmer des « réalités » irréfutables du marché du travail. Alors que les prétentions à l'expertise scientifique dans le règlement des différends sont restées hégémoniques jusqu'à la fin des années 1960, les travailleurs hospitaliers de l'Ontario, par l'intermédiaire de leurs syndicats et en alliance avec les organismes de la nouvelle gauche, ont effectivement réaffirmé la « justice » comme unité de valeur hautement contextualisée à travers leurs luttes militantes dans le début des années 1970. L'article conclut en discutant des tensions et des contradictions produites par ces luttes et des défis qui en découlent dans la régulation des conflits du travail dans le secteur public.

1 Introduction: The rise of professional service firms as public policy actors -- 2 America First: How consultants got into the public sector -- 3 Taming uncertainty: Climate policymaking and the spatial politics of privatized advice -- 4 Who drives India's smart cities? Understanding the role of consulting firms in the Smart Cities Mission -- 5 Boutique consultancy and personal trust: Advising on cities in Moscow -- 6 Everywhere from Copenhagen: Method, storytelling, and comparison in the globalization of public space design -- 7 International consultancy firms and African states: New Debt Bonds -- 8 'The DNA of Government': Professional Service Firms, calculative technologies and the politics of municipal benchmarking -- 9 Connecting local government with global finance: Professional service firms as agents of financialization -- 10 'Infrastructure' and the Big 4: Public-private partnerships, corridors, and the expansion of capital -- 11 The corporate takeover of public policy: The case of public private partnerships in Britain -- 12 Camouflaged privatization: The influence of the Fratzscher Commission and PricewaterhouseCoopers on Berlin's schools -- 13 Hegemonic privatization and its discontents: Reflections on the statecraft of contract-based local governance in England -- 14 Expert advice? Assessing the role of the state in promoting privatized planning -- 15 Conflicting interests: Professional planning practice in publicly-traded firms -- 16 The governance of management consultancy use: Practices, problems and possibilities.

The implementation of the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA) in January 1989 marked a decisive moment in the rise of neoliberalism as a political project in Canada. While the left, and socialist political economists in particular, played a central role in galvanizing the agreement and contributed in no small part to the demise of the Conservative government in 1993, the free trade agenda continued to move forward through the 1990s. This Special Issue revisits the history of struggles against free trade in Canada with two aims in mind: first to remember the coalitions through which opposition was organized, the mobilization of socialist critiques by activists and intellectuals, and the key events leading up to the adoption of the agreement. Second, drawing from this history to make sense of how things have changed over the past 30 years, as right-wing nationalists have increasingly taken the lead in opposing free trade, while neoliberals have sought to rebrand their project as 'progressive'. How can those on the left effectively confront the project of free trade today while at the same time challenging both far-right nationalism and neoliberal globalization?

The implementation of the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA) in January 1989 marked a decisive moment in the rise of neoliberalism as a political project in Canada. While the left, and socialist political economists in particular, played a central role in galvanizing opposition to the agreement and contributed in no small part to the demise of the Conservative government in 1993, the free trade agenda continued to move forward through the 1990s. This Special Issue revisits the history of struggles against free trade in Canada with two aims in mind: first to remember the coalitions through which opposition was organized, the mobilization of socialist critiques by activists and intellectuals, and the key events leading up to the adoption of the agreement. Second, drawing from this history to make sense of how things have changed over the past 30 years, as right-wing nationalists have increasingly taken the lead in opposing free trade, while neoliberals have sought to rebrand their project as 'progressive'. How can those on the left effectively confront the project of free trade today while at the same time challenging both far-right nationalism and neoliberal globalization?

This article revisits activist ethnographer George W. Smith's intellectual and political legacy, with a focus on his engagement with and conception of "life work." In the context of the AIDS crisis in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Smith contributed to reframing the way in which AIDS was problematized and confronted. Rather than treating people living with HIV/AIDS as "disease vectors" to be isolated from the general population, as had been the case under the prevailing public health regime, he started his research and organizing from the standpoint of people living with HIV/AIDS – investigating the everyday work that they did in accessing the services that they needed in order to survive. Drawing from archival research, activist interviews and his published works, this article traces how Smith deployed the concept of life work in his research as part of the "Hooking Up" Project, in his public writing in the gay and lesbian press, and in his organizing with AIDS ACTION NOW! in Toronto. Beyond the reproductive labour of individuals in accessing particular politico-administrative regimes, which Smith focused on in his research, we explore how life work can be theorized more broadly to include collective efforts to confront social, biomedical and institutional barriers to living. Hence, in considering Smith's AIDS activism, we argue that his theorizing and political organizing, taken together, should themselves be seen as forms of life work.

This article revisits activist ethnographer George W. Smith's intellectual and political legacy, with a focus on his engagement with and conception of "life work." In the context of the AIDS crisis in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Smith contributed to reframing the way in which AIDS was problematized and confronted. Rather than treating people living with HIV/AIDS as "disease vectors" to be isolated from the general population, as had been the case under the prevailing public health regime, he started his research and organizing from the standpoint of people living with HIV/AIDS – investigating the everyday work that they did in accessing the services that they needed in order to survive. Drawing from archival research, activist interviews and his published works, this article traces how Smith deployed the concept of life work in his research as part of the "Hooking Up" Project, in his public writing in the gay and lesbian press, and in his organizing with AIDS ACTION NOW! in Toronto. Beyond the reproductive labour of individuals in accessing particular politico-administrative regimes, which Smith focused on in his research, we explore how life work can be theorized more broadly to include collective efforts to confront social, biomedical and institutional barriers to living. Hence, in considering Smith's AIDS activism, we argue that his theorizing and political organizing, taken together, should themselves be seen as forms of life work.

AbstractDrawing on the results of interviews and access to information requests, we explore conservation officer work in two urban regions in one Canadian province (Ontario). Specifically, we examine the work of the federal‐level National Capital Commission (NCC) in Ottawa and the provincial‐level Toronto and Region Conservation Authority (TRCA). Applying Jessop, Brenner and Jones's model of socio‐spatial relations, we show how nature plays a different role in NCC and TRCA policing depending on the places their conservation officers work in, the kinds of territorial boundary maintenance in which they engage, the scaling of their activities in various jurisdictions, and the policing networks that they are part of. In assessing the place of nature in conservation officers' work, we contribute to debates about how the boundary between nature and the urban is produced through regulatory practices.