The Limits of Limitarianism*
In: The journal of political philosophy, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 230-248
ISSN: 1467-9760
18 Ergebnisse
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In: The journal of political philosophy, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 230-248
ISSN: 1467-9760
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Sufficientarianism" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Journal of global ethics, Band 13, Heft 3, S. 366-379
ISSN: 1744-9634
In: Journal of social philosophy, Band 47, Heft 3, S. 332-349
ISSN: 1467-9833
In: Politics, Band 34, Heft 4, S. 334-344
ISSN: 1467-9256
In: Politics, philosophy & economics: ppe, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 209-225
ISSN: 1741-3060
Many theorists claim that if an agent benefits from an action that harms others, that agent has a moral duty to compensate those who are harmed, even if the agent did not cause the harm herself. In the debate on climate justice, this idea is commonly referred to as the beneficiary-pays principle (BPP). This paper argues that the BPP is implausible, both in the context of climate change and as a normative principle more generally. It should therefore be rejected.
In: Nytt norsk tidsskrift, Band 29, Heft 2, S. 148-155
ISSN: 1504-3053
In: The journal of political philosophy, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 178-198
ISSN: 0963-8016
In: The journal of political philosophy, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 178-197
ISSN: 1467-9760
In: Critical review of international social and political philosophy: CRISPP, Band 26, Heft 7, S. 1073-1093
ISSN: 1743-8772
In: Politics, philosophy & economics: ppe, Band 19, Heft 4, S. 366-381
ISSN: 1741-3060
In this article we defend the view that, on the All Affected Principle of voting rights, the weight of a person's vote on a decision should be determined by and only by the degree to which that decision affects her interests, independently of her voting weights on other decisions. Further, we consider two recent alternative proposals for how the All Affected Principle should weight votes, and give reasons for rejecting both.
In: Angell , K & Huseby , R 2020 , ' The All Affected Principle, and the Weighting of Votes ' , Politics, Philosophy & Economics , vol. 19 , no. 4 , pp. 366-381 . https://doi.org/10.1177/1470594X20949938
In this article we defend the view that, on the All Affected Principle of voting rights, the weight of a person's vote on a decision should be determined by and only by the degree to which that decision affects her interests, independently of her voting weights on other decisions. Further, we consider two recent alternative proposals for how the All Affected Principle should weight votes, and give reasons for rejecting both.
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In: Ratio Juris, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 177-192
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In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 70, Heft 2, S. 363-373
ISSN: 1938-274X
Theories of voting rights differ quite sharply with regard to whether or not they support (rapid) enfranchisement of irregular immigrants. In this paper, we first outline these theories and their implications. We then assess a number of reasons against rapidly enfranchising irregular immigrants. We find, on reflection, that none of these reasons are persuasive. While this result is not in itself sufficient to draw strong conclusions, it does offer some support to the more inclusive theories of voting rights, and poses a challenge to the less inclusive ones.
In: Politics and governance, Band 12
ISSN: 2183-2463
Despite three decades of global climate negotiations and high expectations for the 2015 Paris Agreement, global emissions continue to grow. To protect future generations from severe harm, scholars, environmentalists, and politicians alike explore potential supplements to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change process. One potential supplement is climate clubs of a type where a small number of "enthusiastic" countries embark on ambitious mitigation efforts while encouraging other, more "reluctant" countries to join. Previous research has shown that this club type possesses a significant potential for expanding membership and eventually becoming highly effective in reducing global emissions. A common criticism of climate clubs, however, is that they lack legitimacy. Assessing this criticism, we argue that climate clubs of the type considered here can be normatively legitimate. The main challenge for normative legitimacy concerns climate clubs' use of incentives, particularly negative incentives, to attract members. However, we argue that even negative incentives for participation can be legitimate, assuming they meet a set of relevant legitimacy criteria—including that the club respects human rights, provides a comparative benefit, maintains institutional integrity, implements only proportional incentives, and fulfills a requisite set of epistemic criteria. We also argue that the normative legitimacy of climate clubs' use of incentives for compliance is less challenging than the normative legitimacy of their use of incentives for participation.