Jerusalem is a city of controversy. This paper attempts to describe the views of Indonesian Muslim student activists, who are studying in two different categories of university, namely secular and religious-based, on Jerusalem and the Jews. The choice of students of different organizations and universities is meant to give a more comprehensive perspective, and is based on the assumption that the students from the Islamic university will have different perspectives on these issues compared to those of secular universities. Five students from each category were interviewed. The interviews were not recorded but transcribed so that the interviewees could speak freely. These interviews however do not reflect the opinions of student organizations and the universities. It reflects the students' own perspectives.
In the last two decades, the Muslim population in Western Europe has grown in unprecedented ways. At the broader regional level, there are approximately 25 million Muslims living in European Union member states as of 2016, which is estimated to increase to 35 million by 2050. The arrival of Muslims from various countries in the Middle East, Africa, and the Balkans has brought about significant changes and issues socially, economically, as well as politically. Undeniably, some phenomena of discrimination and Islamophobia arise in almost all EU countries in various aspects of public life such as hijâb clothing, building mosques, and housing. Using a qualitative approach and field research, this article explores not only the historical accounts of the presence of Islam in several EU countries, but also the relations between Islam and the state. This research presents several cases of discrimination and Islamophobia and the internal dynamics within the Muslim communities as to the challenges of living in completely different atmosphere. Three countries, namely Austria, Belgium, and Germany are chosen to represent European Union countries. This study contributes to the discourse on the integration of Muslims in European culture and to the way EU countries could involve Muslims in constructing European Islam.
Issues related to Islam and Myanmar have become world's attention, especially in relation to the Rohingya refugees who fled the country in the past few months. The 2010 government census stated that Muslim constitutes 3.9% of the total 53 million population, who are mainly Theravada Buddhists; but some Muslim leaders interviewed in September 2014 argued that the followers of Prophet Muhammad constituted 17%. This paper finds that violent conflicts involving Muslims and Buddhists in Rakhine State were caused by complex issues including the historical background of the coming and development of Islam in Myanmar and the authoritarian military regime, which did not open paths for dialogue. It is surprising to witness how the concept of "peace" that is at the heart of the Buddhist teaching seems to be disappeared in the whole issue of the conflicts. This paper, however, will not focus on the conflicts themselves but on the role of ulama during the Myanmar conflict.[Isu terkait Islam dan Myanmar telah menyita perhatian dunia, khususnya setelah adanya para pengungsi Rohingya yang keluar dari negeri ini beberapa bulan yang lalu. Sensus tahun 2010 yang dilakukan pemerintah menunjukkan bahwa penhanut Islam berjumlah 3,9% dari total 53 juta penduduk yang mayoritas penganut Budha Theravada; namun menurut beberapa tokoh Islam yang diwawancarai pada September 2014, penganut Islam mencapai 17%. Tulisan ini melihat bahwa konflik kekerasan antara Muslim dan Budha di Provinsi Rakhine dilatarbelakangi persoalan yang cukup komplek, termasuk latar sejarah masuk dan berkembangnya Islam di Myanmar serta rezim militer yang otoriter yang tidak pernah membuka ruang dialog. Satu hal yang cukup mengejutkan adalah konsep "damai" yang menjadi jantung ajaran Budha tampaknya hilang di telan pusaran konflik.Hanya saja, tulisan ini tidak berfokus pada isu konflik itu sendiri, namun lebih menelisik peran ulama dalam konflik Myanmar.]
This article examines a flourishing Islamic youth movement in Indonesia, #IndonesiaTanpaPacaran or Indonesia without Dating. This movement calls for hijrah (literally means an action of moving to another place) from Western dating habits to ta'aruf or an Islamic practice of getting married without dating among the Muslim millennial. This article aims to explain the emergence of this movement. Drawing approach from social movement theory, the writer argues that this movement is culturally embedded since piety, religious commodification and political resistance against existing political nuance are overshadowed the emergence of this anti-dating movement. It is found out that this movement is an offshoot of banned Islamic organization Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) that continuously struggles to revive the past transnational rule of khalifah (caliphate) in Indonesia. Consequently, the concept of hijrah in social media campaign does not only to promote Islamic lifestyle like ta'aruf but also to promote caliphate as an alternative to secular democracy. This study is presented given the fact that the research on Islamic youth movement in social media is still lack of attention, despite the so-called hijrah movement is legion and may strategically important to make social change through the use of social media.
This article examines a flourishing Islamic youth movement in Indonesia, #IndonesiaTanpaPacaran or Indonesia without Dating. This movement calls for hijrah (literally means an action of moving to another place) from Western dating habits to ta'aruf or an Islamic practice of getting married without dating among the Muslim millennial. This article aims to explain the emergence of this movement. Drawing approach from social movement theory, the writer argues that this movement is culturally embedded since piety, religious commodification and political resistance against existing political nuance are overshadowed the emergence of this anti-dating movement. It is found out that this movement is an offshoot of banned Islamic organization Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) that continuously struggles to revive the past transnational rule of khalifah (caliphate) in Indonesia. Consequently, the concept of hijrah in social media campaign does not only to promote Islamic lifestyle like ta'aruf but also to promote caliphate as an alternative to secular democracy. This study is presented given the fact that the research on Islamic youth movement in social media is still lack of attention, despite the so-called hijrah movement is legion and may strategically important to make social change through the use of social media.
Abstract: This paper describes historical phases of Madurese identity construction, the origins of Madurese ethnicity, inter-ethnic and inter-cultural relation, Madurese Pendalungan culture, and how Islam involves into cultural identities of the Madurese. In this paper, I will argue that Islam has become part of cultural values of the Madurese, that is, embedded within traditional activities and local wisdom. However, the involvement does not mean to exclude other "non-Islamic" and "non-Madurese" tradition in the process of construing Madurese identity. By exploring how Madurese identity was culturally constructed we could be able to draw more visible connection between religion, tradition, and social identity. This paper illustrates how Madurese identity culturally produced, nurtured, and matured. Since identity is a way of perceiving, interpreting, and representing the existence of people, I persist that Madurese identity has also been produced and reproduced depending on political, social, and cultural situation. In this regard, inter-religious or inter-ethnic relation remains important. [Artikel ini menjelaskan fase terbentuknya identitas orang-orang Madura, asal-usul etnis, hubungan lintas-budaya dan antaretnis, budaya Pendalungan, dan bagaimana Islam berinteraksi dengan identitas budaya orang Madura. Dalam artikel ini saya meneguhkan bahwa Islam telah menjadi bagian tak terpisahkan dari nilai-nilai budaya Madura, yang bisa dilihat dari dalam aktivitas sosial dan kearifan lokal orang Madura. Meski demikian, hal ini tidak menafikan bahwa tradisi "non-Islam" atau "non-Madura" juga memiliki peran dalam proses pembentukan identitas Madura. Dengan mengurai proses konstruksi identitas sosial Madura, seseorang bisa melihat dengan lebih jelas hubungan erat antara agama, tradisi, dan identitas sosial. Artikel ini juga menggambarkan bagaimana identitas Madura diproduksi, dikembangkan, dan dilestarikan. Sebab identitas adalah sebuah persepsi, interpretasi, dan representasi, artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa identitas Madura pun tidak lepas dari tahapan itu: bergantung pada kondisi politik, sosial, ekonomi dan budaya. Dalam konteks ini, relasi antaragama dan antaretnis menjadi sangat penting.]
Journal article ; This paper highlights a chronology of significant historical events since pre-colonial times up to the present that have significantly contributed to the conflict in Southern Philippines. It also describes and analyzes the roots and causes of the conflict and how these are being addressed at the moment both by the Philippine government and the different Islamic liberationist groups who are the main actors and players in the conflict. This paper employs both historical and structural analysis to obtain a much broader and complete picture of the historical as well as socio-political, cultural, and economic realities reigning in the Southern Philippines. The study shows that the problem of conflict in Mindanao is quite complex and complicated. Thus, it requires a much broader and careful understanding and analysis of the problem, as well as solutions that can be agreed upon by contending groups and factions toward a peaceful and negotiated approach to the Mindanao peace process.
