Suchergebnisse

The European Union -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- Notes -- 2 European Integration - On Pursuit of European Leadership -- Historical Background -- European Integration -- Imperative Need of Conflict Resolution During/After World Wars -- Early Experiments of EC Towards International Conflict Resolution -- European Enlargement: A Journey towards Peaceful EC Members -- Establishing European Union -- Notes -- 3 Role of EU Institutions in Development of Its Leadership -- Importance of EU Institutions in Peace Processes -- The European Parliament: Stances on World Peace -- The Council of EU: Work for Political Reconciliation -- The European Commission: Figurehead of the EU -- The Court of Justice: Guardian of EU Peace Gesture -- Political and Security Wings of EU -- Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) -- Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) -- Notes -- 4 Role of EU in European Disputes -- The EU Motives for the Conflict Resolution -- EU's Checklist for Causes of a Conflict -- The Irish Question -- The Role of EU in the Irish Question -- Balkan Crises -- Bosnia and Herzegovina -- Kosovo Conflict -- Greco-Turkish Rivalry -- Notes -- 5 The EU: Asian Conflicts and Middle East -- Middle Eastern Disputes -- EU and Arab-Israel Conflict -- Crisis of Iraq -- EU and Iraq War: Dilemmas and Paradoxes -- Asian Disputes -- EU and Iran -- EU-Iran Relations -- Indo-Pakistan Dispute on Kashmir -- South Asian Nuclear/Missile Race -- Role of EU in Kashmiri Issue -- Notes -- 6 UN and EU Cooperation in Global Peace Missions -- Historical Background -- Model of UN-EU Cooperation -- EU Strategy as a Global Actor -- EU Security Council -- UN-EU Cooperation in Action -- Theory to Practice -- Notes -- 7 Contemporary Challenges for EU -- Greek Economic Crisis -- Refugee Crisis -- Brexit and Europe -- Emergence of Euroscepticism in EU Member States

This study is an attempt to analyze EU policies towards the SouthernCaucasus that deals basically with the changes in EU policies from1999 to date. The EU policy towards the region can be analyzed in twophases. First, the study will discuss the EU support during the 1990-1999 phase in relation to the economic and technical aid offered to theregion. Second, the study attempts to analyze the EU's active policiessince 1999 in terms of changes in EU policies as well as the causes ofthis change and the importance of the region for the EU. The studywill conclude by asserting that political and economic stability cannotbe reached without solving the problems in the region. In this context,the importance of the EU in the establishment of peace and stabilityin this framework are also discussed.

Pakistan has a long standing problem of child labor. Its motives and fundamental reasons are multifold and complex. Although, Pakistani child labor yields large number of profits to their families and economy of country but this phenomenon is a vulnerable part of Pakistani society where millions of children are suffering from paid, unpaid or underpaid labor. There are many factors involved and rooted in Pakistan's diverse socio-economic, political, linguistic, and demographic destitution. This is a quantitative research in which 439 Pakistani samples, through likert-scale based questionnaire, provided groundwork for having an updated substantial solution to control this problem. This study also explains indispensable individual, social, government level solutions for elimination of child labor from Pakistan.

There is little research done on the social agenda of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). As an analysis of the organization's social agenda is relevant to the challenges and opportunities offered by COVID-19, this article aims to draw lessons for SAARC from the development model of the European Union (EU). Erstwhile literature on SAARC has not compared its progress in terms of social development with that of the EU. Hence, this study aims to answer the following questions: What are the key differences between the social development approaches of the two organizations, and what can SAARC learn from the EU's social model? The analysis in this research is largely based on an extensive review of official documents from the EU and SAARC. This article argues that collective social development is in line with SAARC's functionalist approach that prioritizes cooperation in non-controversial areas like human security. Based on the comparative analysis, this article proposes a three-tier social development approach for comprehensive social development across South Asia. This study argues that, despite its socio-economic and political challenges, SAARC has a lot to gain from adopting the EU's social model.

South Asian regionalism—mainly represented by the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)—has always been vulnerable to the influence of the long-standing bilateral disputes, and South Asian intra-regional trade and economic cooperation is limited. This article examines economic integration in Europe, from the 1950s to Britain's decision to exit from the European Union (EU) in 2016, in order to identify possible lessons for the SAARC. In particular, this article makes use of Gürler's model of economic integration to propose a way forward for economic cooperation through the SAARC. While the full implementation of the EU's model of economic integration appears to be a distant reality for the SAARC, this article argues that a revitalized SAARC is nonetheless a suitable vehicle for pursuing a gradual process of economic cooperation in South Asia that may ultimately lead not only to economic integration but also the resolution of political disputes.

Oil products play a dynamic role in the overall energy domain because it supports country-wide transport, industries, and households. The oil market in most countries is deregulated and provides free access to every organization or independent player. Some of them have followed this policy from the very beginning, while others have followed the strategy regarding deregulation at a later stage. In Pakistan, there is a usual tug of war between Government authorities and Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs) concerning the decision of setting oil prices. This exploratory study aims to assess the prospects of deregulation of oil prices from the point of view of stockholders from the Oil Marketing Companies (OMCs). Data is gathered through interviews from the professional stakeholders who are working in the supply chain department in the downstream petroleum sector of Pakistan, and a thematic analysis method was used to analyze the data. As per the data obtained from the interviewees, there are both advantages and disadvantages of deregulation of petroleum. Advantages are like low prices of petroleum products, positive impact on the economy, opportunities for new entrants, and creation of new jobs. While the disadvantages are oligopoly created by the mafias, failure of the system, dumping of fuel, and increase in cross border smuggling. While the major barriers to deregulation are the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) and political forces, and the facilitators for the deregulation are foreign direct investment and high tax collection of the Government. The deregulation must be done immediately to pass on the benefits of reduced and appropriate prices of petroleum products besides their availability in every city of the country. Government should also promote bulk import and storage of petroleum products so that the companies get possible economic ordering benefits of low prices.