Suchergebnisse

Emotions are inseparable from political decision-making. This idea has been especially strongly supported for negative emotions. The current study examines the role of anxiety in forming political attitudes using data from a nationally representative American National Election Studies survey ( N = 5900). Our path analysis highlights a significant indirect relationship between anxiety and political participation through two mediators: information-seeking tendencies and internal political efficacy. By examining the unique role of anxiety in political decision-making, our study provides a more nuanced understanding of how negative emotions can impact democracy.

Internet access provides a number of ways to read, share, and discuss politics. However, the political benefits from technology are most likely afforded to those with greater Internet skill, political interest, and education. This study used nationally representative cross-sectional survey data collected during the 2016 U.S. general election to investigate two online news behaviors. Guided by research on digital inequalities, the opportunities–motivation–ability framework, and communication gaps, we found that Internet skill and political interest, but not education, are related to greater online news reading and sharing. We also found conditional relationships between Internet skill and online news behaviors that were moderated by political interest and education. Skill-based digital inequalities in online news behaviors are exacerbated for those with greater political interest, but the gap is reduced for those with less education. We discuss the threat and opportunity that a digital skill communication gap poses for online citizen engagement.

Contemporary research on social media looks different than it did in the late 2010s, with users facing a high-choice social media environment as new platforms emerge. Subsequently, alt-right sites have experienced a rise in users—sometimes those who have experienced content moderation by traditional social media sites. As such, scholars have investigated the impact of this content moderation (e.g. de-platforming) on users and the content posted on new alt-right platforms. This work seeks to expand extant research through analyzing a survey of Gab, Parler (now defunct), Truth Social, and Rumble users ( N = 427) who have experienced content moderation on other social media sites. While we find that those temporarily or permanently banned from traditional sites are unlikely to leave the platform altogether for a right-wing alternative social media (RWASM) site, there are active users on these sites worth studying.

Communication scholars have both lauded and questioned the Internet's role in facilitating democracy. However, few studies have examined aggressive communication behavior in online political discussion spaces. Two studies were conducted to examine use of aggressive discussion behaviors online, otherwise known as flaming. Study one utilized a survey of 289 undergraduate students at a large public university. Study two utilized a survey of 305 individuals who frequent political blogs. Results from both studies suggest that individuals are more likely to engage in political flaming when their beliefs are directly challenged. In addition, results indicate that whether an individual's identity is known or unknown did not influence their intention to flame within the student sample. In the blog-user sample, we found that direct challenges when identities were not known increased intention to flame. Finally, we examine the relationship between political flaming and several individual-level variables.

Abstract: In this paper, we examine media use in the aftermath of the 2004, 2012, and 2020 presidential elections in the United States. Specifically, we test whether members of the party who won the election bask in reflected glory (BIRG; i.e., seek out pro-attitudinal media after preferred candidate wins) or whether members of the losing party cut off reflected failure (CORF; i.e., cut off ties with their party after a loss by decreasing their use of pro-attitudinal media). We also examine whether individuals whose candidate lost use pro-attitudinal media to repair their identity, or engage in information utility behaviors by seeking out counter-attitudinal information to learn about the opposing party following their win. Using two waves of survey data from the 2004, 2012, and 2020 US presidential elections, we find support for the BIRGing hypothesis. However, we did not find support for any of the hypotheses associated with losing the elections.

In this article, we test a dynamic intracommunication process looking at the relationships between interpersonal discussion, perceived credibility of partisan media, and partisan media use. Using the theoretical foundation of hostile media perceptions, with a specific focus on relative hostile media, we examine whether interpersonal communication affects perceived credibility of liberal and conservative media outlets and whether these effects translate into increased use or avoidance of partisan media outlets. Using data collected during the 2016 U.S. election, we find that supportive interpersonal discussion is associated with greater perceived credibility of liberal media outlets (e.g., MSNBC) among liberals, which results in increased use of liberal leaning news outlets. In addition, we find that discussion with those who hold opposing views is associated with increased perceived credibility of conservative media outlets (e.g., Fox News) among conservatives, which translates into greater use of conservative leaning outlets. Similarly, talking to those who hold opposing views decreases perceived credibility of liberal media outlets (e.g., MSNBC) among conservatives, resulting in decreased use of liberal leaning outlets.