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ObjectiveThis study compares men and women lobbyists who work in theAmerican states in 1995 and 2005, arguing in contrast to previous research that there is a consistent pattern of sex differences that cannot be explained by differential patterns of experience.MethodsMen and women are contrasted across three dimensions using original survey data from lobbyists in all 50 states. First, we examine lobbyists' background and experience, such as having previously held political office and years of experience lobbying. Second, differences between tactics employed by men and women are investigated. Third, the article draws a distinction between the attitudes of male and female lobbyists toward their profession.ResultsDifferences between men and women within the three dimensions are found in both sets of data, with changes generally smaller in 2005.ConclusionUnlike previous studies, we find differences among male and female lobbyists in their background, strategies, and attitudes, but the gap between them is moderate and in some cases has decreased.

Using a 3X2 experimental design, this research examines political candidate image as a function of candidate gender and involvement in a sex or financial scandal. One hundred fifty students from college classes in continuing education were given candidate descriptions that varied only by gender of candidate and involvement in a sex scandal, financial scandal, or no scandal. Respondents gave candidates involved in scandal lower character scores. Both male and female candidates received lower character scores in the presence of a financial scandal than in the presence of a sex scandal, but counter to expectations, female candidates received significantly higher character scores in the presence of a sex scandal.

PROPONENTS OF INDUSTRIAL POLICY OFTEN ADVOCATE ESTABLISHING CORPORATIST POLICY MAKING MECHANISMS AS AN APPROACH TO FORMULATING ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT POLICY. UTILIZING DATA FROM STATEWIDE TELEPHONE SURVEYS, THIS ARTICLE ANALYZES THE FAILURE OF CORPORATIST POLICY MAKING TO GENERATE PUBLIC SUPPORT IN A REFERENDUM ON AN INDUSTRIAL POLICY PLAN IN RHODE ISLAND. THE STUDY TESTS THREE PROPOSITIONS FROM THE INDUSTRIAL POLICY LITERATURE AND FINDS THAT SUCH POLICY MAKING (1) DID NOT PRODUCE POLICIES WHICH APPEALED TO THE PUBLIC'S CONCERN FOR OTHERS, (2) DID NOT DEFLECT PUBLIC CYNICISM TOWARD GOVERNMENT, AND (3) DID NOT TRANSLATE AN ELITE CONSENSUS INTO MASS SUPPORT FOR INDUSTRIAL POLICY PROPOSALS.

Acrimonious and seemingly interminable debates have surrounded the introduction and dissemination of systematic empirical methods in political science. Nevertheless, for better or worse, these methods and this mode of analysis are here to stay in political science and the other social science disciplines. No one can deny the general leaning towards behavioralism that is evident in the programs of the major PH.D. granting institutions. Scholars may debate the ultimate validity of these approaches for understanding politics, but all must agree that a thorough understanding of today's social science requires at least some familiarity with the behavioral approach, even if this familiarity were to be conceived of as "self defense" in the struggle to keep up with the literature in the major journals, and even if that familiarity were to breed contempt.