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This article examines the living arrangements of people between ages fifteen and thirty-five in Europe and the United States. Three regional patterns emerge in Europe. In southern Europe, young people remain for extended periods in the parental home and tend to make direct transitions from living at home to (formal) marriage and parenthood. In northern Europe, youngsters leave home earlier and more commonly live alone or in cohabiting unions. The Scandinavian countries form an extreme example of northern behavior, with particularly early home leaving and high levels of nonmarital cohabitation. In the United States, there are large differences between young blacks, whites, and Hispanics. Formal marriage is as common among whites as it is in southern Europe; the extended family is common for blacks and Hispanics, and lone motherhood among young black American women far outstrips the highest rates in Europe.

This article examines the living arrangements of people between ages fifteen & thirty-five in Europe & the United States. Three regional patterns emerge in Europe. In southern Europe, young people remain for extended periods in the parental home & tend to make direct transitions from living at home to (formal) marriage & parenthood. In northern Europe, youngsters leave home earlier & more commonly live alone or in cohabiting unions. The Scandinavian countries form an extreme example of northern behavior, with particularly early home leaving & high levels of non-marital cohabitation. In the United States, there are large differences between young blacks, whites, & Hispanics. Formal marriage is as common among whites as it is in southern Europe; the extended family is common for all blacks & Hispanics, & lone motherhood among young black American women far outstrips the highest rates in Europe. 4 Tables, 13 Figures, 23 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications, Inc.]

This paper uses data from the European Household Panel survey to chart the living arrangements of older people in 13 countries across the European Union, focusing particularly on whether older people live with a spouse, with their children, or with other adults. There are wide variations between men and women, mainly due to the fact that women are widowed at a much earlier age than men; there are large variations with age; and there are also large differences between countries. Men and women in a Southern, or Catholic group of countries are much more likely to live with their children, either with or without a partner, than men and women in Northern, or Protestant countries, who tend to live with just a partner, or to live alone. A large proportion of the older people in our sample who live with their children are receiving care within the household, particularly in the Southern countries; we also find that the giving of care is to a large extent reciprocal, with child care being provided within the household by the younger old, to almost the same extent as care is provided by other family members to the older old. However, this reciprocity of care holds only in the case of women; older men living with their children provide very little child care, while receiving the same amount of care as older women.

Across the developed world, young adults are now more likely to live with their parents than they were two or three decades ago. This is typically viewed, both in the media and in scholarly research, as an economic burden on parents. This article investigates, for the first time, the extent to which financial support is also given in the opposite direction, with young people contributing to their households' living costs. We use data on 19 European countries from the 2010 European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (N = 553 in Austria to N = 2,777 in Italy). Many young adults do share their incomes with their families, with the degree of sharing being the highest among the poorest households. In a substantial minority of households, particularly in lower-income countries, the contributions of young adult household members keep households out of poverty. ; ESRC RES-062-23-1455: Life Chances and Living Standards across Europe)

This paper maps key indicators of household structure across all countries for all countries of the expanded European Union except Malta. As well as presenting statistics which take the entire household as the unit of analysis, we also focus on groups which are particularly interesting in terms of social policy, and for whom household composition may be particularly crucial in terms of their risk of poverty: children, young adults and elderly people. A main aim of the paper is to discuss the extent to which the new EU member states of Eastern Europe display differences and similarities with the other countries of the EU. We find that the Eastern European countries are rather heterogeneous. The Czech Republic and Hungary are not dissimilar to the countries of North-Western Europe; by contrast, households in Slovenia, Slovakia and Poland closely resemble Southern European households. Finally, it is the Baltic states - particularly Latvia - where household structure least resembles structures in any of the pre-enlargement EU countries.

People's childbearing intentions change over the course of their reproductive lives. these changes have been conceptualized as occurring in response to the realization that an individual is unlikely to achieve his or her intended fertility, because of constraints such as the "biological clock" or lack of a partner. in this article we fnd that changes to child‐bearing plans are infuenced by a much wider range of factors than this. People change their plans in response to the wishes of their partners, in response to social norms, as the result of repartnering, and as the result of learning about the costs and benefts of parenthood; there are also differences between the factors that infuence men's and women's decisionmaking. in a departure from existing studies in this area, we use a fexible analytical framework that enables us to analyze increases in planned fertility separately from decreases. this allows us to uncover several complexities of the decisionmaking process that would otherwise be hidden, and leads us to conclude that the determinants of increases in planned fertility are not simply equal and opposite to the determinants of decreases.

In this paper we present indicators of household structure for 26 of the 27 countries of the post-enlargement European Union. As well as broad indicators of household type, we present statistics on single-person and extended-family households, and on the households of children and older people. Our main aim is to assess the extent to which household structure differs between the "old" and "new" Member States of the European Union. We find that most of the Eastern European countries may be thought of as lying on the same North-North-Western-Southern continuum defined for the "old" EU Member States, and constituting an "extreme form" of the Southern European model of living arrangements, which we term the "Eastern" model. However, the Baltic states do not fit easily onto this continuum.

In this paper we present indicators of household structure for 26 of the 27 countries of the post-enlargement European Union. As well as broad indicators of household type, we present statistics on single-person and extended-family households, and on the households of children and older people. Our main aim is to assess the extent to which household structure differs between the "old" and "new" Member States of the European Union. We find that most of the Eastern European countries may be thought of as lying on the same North-North-Western-Southern continuum defined for the "old" EU Member States, and constituting an "extreme form" of the Southern European model of living arrangements, which we term the "Eastern" model. However, the Baltic states do not fit easily onto this continuum.

This paper analyses the factors associated with poverty among young people across 13 countries of the pre-enlargement European Union, and examines how these factors differ between countries. Previous research has shown that young people in most European countries face a higher-than-average risk of poverty; this is to be expected, since young adulthood is a time when people undergo rapid transitions in multiple spheres (education; the labour market; the family), many of which may pre-dispose the young person to poverty. Here, we use data from the European Community Household Panel (ECHP), making use of random effects models and discrete time hazard regressions to examine the role of several factors on a young persons probability of being poor; and on his or her probability of entering and exiting poverty. We also carry out parallel analysis using measures of non-monetary deprivation. Our results show that while many factors are correlated with young peoples risks of poverty or deprivation, the largest risk factor by far is moving out of the parental home.