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For over a century, the goal of reducing class inequalities in educational attainment has been based at least in part on the belief that this would help to equalise life chances. Drawing upon the main findings of three ESRC-funded projects, this paper reviews the empirical evidence on trends in social class inequalities in educational attainment and the role of education in promoting social mobility in Scotland. The findings show that in the second half of the twentieth century, despite the increase in overall levels of attainment, class differences in educational attainment persisted. Educational policies in Scotland supported educational expansion which allowed larger numbers of working-class children to climb the social class ladder than in the past. However, these did not translate into any break with the patterns of social inequalities in the chances of entering the top-level occupations. The conclusions highlight that educational policies on their own are not powerful enough to change patterns of social mobility which are mainly driven by labour market and social class structures.

This paper provides new important evidence on the spatial dimension of social class inequalities in graduates' labour market outcomes, an aspect largely overlooked within the existing literature. Using data from the HESA Destinations of Leavers from Higher Education Early and Longitudinal Survey (DLHE) for the 2008/09 graduate cohort and applying multilevel logistic regression models, we investigate whether and the extent to which social class inequalities in graduates' occupational outcomes vary depending on the job opportunities in the geographical area where they find employment. By examining different macro-level indicators, we find wider social inequalities by parental social class in areas with fewer opportunities in high professional and managerial occupations and smaller inequalities in areas with more opportunities. Interestingly, this pattern applies only to graduates who moved away from their place of origin. We interpret this finding as the result of selective migration, that is, areas with more opportunities attract the better-qualified graduates irrespective of their social origin. Finally, graduates' HE experiences—in particular, their field of study—and sector of employment explain most of the social class gap in areas with fewer job opportunities.

We use the British Household Panel Study to analyse change over birth cohorts in patterns of social mobility in England, Scotland and Wales. In several respects, our conclusions are similar to those reached by other authors on the basis of wider comparisons. There has been a large growth in non-manual employment since the middle of the twentieth century. This led first to a rise in upward mobility, but, as parents of younger people have now themselves benefited from that, has more recently forced people downward from their middle-class origins. These changes have largely not been a growth in relative social mobility: it is change induced by the occupational structure. The conclusions apply both to current class and to the class which people entered when they first entered the labour market. The patterns of relative mobility could not be explained statistically by measures of the respondents' educational attainment. The conclusions were broadly the same for the three countries, but there was some evidence that in the youngest cohort (people born between 1967 and 1976) experience of people from Wales was diverging from that of people from England and Scotland, with rather greater amounts of downward mobility. There were two methodological conclusions. Out-migration from country of birth within the UK did not seem to make any important difference to our results. That is encouraging for analysis of surveys confined to one of the three countries, because it suggests that losing track of out-migrants would not distort the results. The second methodological conclusion is that the comparative study of social mobility can find interesting topics to investigate at social levels lower than that of the state, here the comparison of the three countries which make up Britain.

Abstract
This study provides new evidence about the extent to which individual occupational status is determined by family of origin (ascription) and by educational attainment (achievement). Using linked administrative data from the Scottish Longitudinal Study, we measure intergenerational mobility using sibling correlations and we assess the effect of siblings' education on their occupational status by examining between- and within-sibling differences. We show that about 36 per cent of siblings' variation in occupational status in Scotland is attributable to shared family factors. Our observed measures of family background explain about 40 per cent of the shared family effect, meaning that family-based advantages in the Scottish labour market largely arise from unmeasured factors. We also find that siblings' educational attainment accounts for 80 per cent of the variation between families in occupational status. While this may suggest that the Scottish labour market is highly meritocratic, previous research that showed a very strong family effect on educational attainment leads us to a different interpretation, namely that social inequalities in education are the main mechanism through which inequalities between families are reproduced (and perhaps legitimated) in the Scottish labour market.

This article is the first of two relating to an event at the University of Edinburgh to mark the coming retirement of Lindsay Paterson, Professor of Education Policy. Here three of Paterson's close colleagues outline the very substantial contribution he has made to the study of Scotland, to understanding social inequality, and measuring the contribution of education to social mobility.