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In: Routledge/European Sociological Association studies in European societies, 23
"Fairness of wage distribution - or the perception of such - is a phenomenon crucial for the stability of new democracies. While theories exist about how change of the political system trickles down to the attitudinal level, the systematic analysis of the effect of economic transition on public attitudes has been neglected to a large extent. Wage Distribution Fairness in Post-Socialist Countries proposes a conceptual framework to measure the fairness of wage distribution. Indeed, looking particularly at wage distribution fairness in three post-socialist societies (Hungary, East Germany, Czech Republic) since the transition in 1989, this challenging monograph also aims to understand if, and to what extent, the experience of a socialist regime motivates individuals to consider wage distribution as fair. Contributing to our understanding of the relevance of socialization and other situational factors influencing economic legitimacy, Wage Distribution Fairness in Post-Socialist Countries will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as postdoctoral researchers, interested in fields including: Sociology, Eastern European Studies and Political Economics."--Provided by publisher
Public attitudes related to social Europe are important for legitimating the aspirations of the European Union and European politicians to deepen European integration. This paper investigates public opinion about social Europe by analyzing attitudes related to the basic principles for European social security measures and attitudes about implementing a uniform European social security system. Based on a survey conducted in 13 European countries, it explores the discrepancies between the two interrelated phenomena and investigates in detail the factors responsible for the strong support for general principles, but fizzling support for the implementation of a European social system. The main findings demonstrate that the value-based mechanisms are primarily responsible for carrying over the positive attitudes towards the general principles to positive attitudes towards a uniform European social security system. In contrast, self-interest does not play a prominent role. Left-leaning individuals, emphasizing the justice principle of need and who identify and trust the European Union are the primary proponents of general principles related to social Europe, as well as for the potential realization of a uniform European welfare system.
BASE
Die Frage nach der Existenz einer europäischen Solidarität ist nicht zuletzt aufgrund der aktuellen Krisenlage der Europäischen Union Gegenstand politischer Debatten. Doch wie ausgeprägt ist die Solidarität zwischen den EU-Bürger/-innen? Dieser Frage sind wir in einer 2016 in 13 EU-Ländern durchgeführten Umfrage nachgegangen. In diesem Beitrag stellen wir den konzeptionellen Rahmen des Projektes vor und präsentieren erste, zunächst deskriptive Ergebnisse unserer Umfrage. Auch wenn der Nationalstaat für die Bürger/-innen weiterhin der primäre Bezugsraum von Solidarität ist, so zeigen die Befunde, dass Europa aus der Sicht der von uns befragten Bürger/-innen einen eigenständigen Solidaritätsraum darstellt. Die europäische Solidarität scheint entsprechend deutlich ausgeprägter zu sein als manche politische und wissenschaftliche Beobachter/-innen vermuten.
BASE
In: Routledge advances in sociology
Introduction : European crises and the existence of European solidarity -- Theoretical framework : conceptualising and understanding European solidarity -- Fiscal solidarity : supporting member states in financial need -- Territorial solidarity : reducing inequality -- Welfare solidarity : supporting Europeans in need -- Refugee solidarity : coping with high numbers of asylum seekers -- Conclusion : in search of Europe's futures.
In: Arbeitsbericht des Instituts für Soziologie Nr. 75
The paper describes the preliminary findings of a recent research project conducted on Euro-pean solidarity. We surveyed citizens of 13 Members States of the EU about their disposition toward (European) solidarity. An upcoming book will offer an elaborate theoretical framework about the existence of European solidarity. Additionally, this book will also presents detailed results from the project and in-depth discussion of the findings. However, we decided to publish some of the descriptive results beforehand in the form of this report as the major findings of our study have high public and political relevance. The development of recent crises has been rather fast-paced, and is in contrast with the long wait that comes with the publication of aca-demic texts. So, the latter process hinders the most important information to reach the public and policy makers as soon as possible and this report wishes to remedy it slightly.
BASE
The paper describes the preliminary findings of a recent research project conducted on Euro-pean solidarity. We surveyed citizens of 13 Members States of the EU about their disposition toward (European) solidarity. An upcoming book will offer an elaborate theoretical framework about the existence of European solidarity. Additionally, this book will also presents detailed results from the project and in-depth discussion of the findings. However, we decided to publish some of the descriptive results beforehand in the form of this report as the major findings of our study have high public and political relevance. The development of recent crises has been rather fast-paced, and is in contrast with the long wait that comes with the publication of aca-demic texts. So, the latter process hinders the most important information to reach the public and policy makers as soon as possible and this report wishes to remedy it slightly.
BASE
In recent years, a series of crises have hit the European Union (i.e., the Eurozone crisis, the sovereign debt crises, the Great Recession, the refugee crisis, Brexit). Such precarious times have challenged solidarity both between European citizens, as well as between the Member States of the EU. The current paper investigates the degree of European solidarity in the European Union in the light of these developments. The paper describes the preliminary findings of a recent research project conducted on European solidarity. We surveyed citizens of 13 Members States of the EU about their disposition toward (European) solidarity. An upcoming book will offer an elabo-rate theoretical framework about the existence of European solidarity. Additionally, this book will also presents detailed results from the project and indepth discussion of the findings. However, we decided to publish some of the descriptive results beforehand in the form of this report as the major findings of our study have high public and political relevance. The development of recent crises has been rather fastpaced, and is in contrast with the long wait that comes with the publication of academic texts. So, the latter process hinders the most important information to reach the public and policy makers as soon as possible and this report wishes to remedy it slightly. In Chapter 1, we will elaborate on the conceptual framework of our study. By Euro-pean solidarity, we understand a form of solidarity expanded beyond one's own na-tion state; recipients of solidarity are other EU countries, or citizens living in another EU country. In the first part of Chapter 1, we systematically distinguish between four different domains of European solidarity: (1) Fiscal solidarity, defined as citizens' willingness to support indebted European countries financially. (2) Welfare state solidarity, defined as citizens' strong agreement to support those in need – unemployed, sick, and the elderly – regardless of where they live in the EU, and to reduce inequality ...
BASE
In: SpringerBriefs in Well-Being and Quality of Life Research
Many people in the Western world are concerned that the social fabric of societies is fraying. This book constitutes the first-of-its-kind systematic account of social cohesion, from theory through methodology to empirical evidence. Readers are introduced to the academically developed Social Cohesion Radar of Bertelsmann Stiftung, a globally active non-governmental organization. The Social Cohesion Radar defines and measures cohesion as characterized by three core aspects: resilient social relations, positive emotional connectedness between people and the community, and a pronounced focus on the common good. Using high-quality academic and institutional data sources, the Social Cohesion Radar provides insights into the level and development of social cohesion over a period of almost 25 years internationally, among 34 European Union and OECD members, and regionally, among the 16 federal states of Germany. It further provides insights into what influences cohesion, and what cohesion is good for. One of the key findings is that social cohesion promotes a happier life for everyone
Public attitudes related to social Europe are important for legitimating the aspirations of the European Union and European politicians to deepen European integration. This paper investigates public opinion about social Europe by analyzing attitudes related to the basic principles for European social security measures and attitudes about implementing a uniform European social security system. Based on a survey conducted in 13 European countries, it explores the discrepancies between the two interrelated phenomena and investigates in detail the factors responsible for the strong support for general principles, but fizzling support for the implementation of a European social system. The main findings demonstrate that the value-based mechanisms are primarily responsible for carrying over the positive attitudes towards the general principles to positive attitudes towards a uniform European social security system. In contrast, self-interest does not play a prominent role. Left-leaning individuals, emphasizing the justice principle of need and who identify and trust the European Union are the primary proponents of general principles related to social Europe, as well as for the potential realization of a uniform European welfare system.
In: Berliner Studien zur Soziologie Europas / Berlin Studies on the Sociology of Europe (BSSE), Band 37
In recent years, a series of crises have hit the European Union (i.e., the Eurozone crisis, the sovereign debt crises, the Great Recession, the refugee crisis, Brexit). Such precarious times have challenged solidarity both between European citizens, as well as between the Member States of the EU. The current paper investigates the degree of European solidarity in the European Union in the light of these developments. The paper describes the preliminary findings of a recent research project conducted on European solidarity. We surveyed citizens of 13 Members States of the EU about their disposition toward (European) solidarity. An upcoming book will offer an elaborate theoretical framework about the existence of European solidarity. Additionally, this book will also presents detailed results from the project and indepth discussion of the findings. However, we decided to publish some of the descriptive results beforehand in the form of this report as the major findings of our study have high public and political relevance. The development of recent crises has been rather fastpaced, and is in contrast with the long wait that comes with the publication of academic texts. So, the latter process hinders the most important information to reach the public and policy makers as soon as possible and this report wishes to remedy it slightly. In Chapter 1, we will elaborate on the conceptual framework of our study. By European solidarity, we understand a form of solidarity expanded beyond one's own nation state; recipients of solidarity are other EU countries, or citizens living in another EU country. In the first part of Chapter 1, we systematically distinguish between four different domains of European solidarity: (1) Fiscal solidarity, defined as citizens' willingness to support indebted European countries financially. (2) Welfare state solidarity, defined as citizens' strong agreement to support those in need - unemployed, sick, and the elderly - regardless of where they live in the EU, and to reduce inequality between rich and poor people in Europe. (3) Territorial solidarity, the willingness to reduce inequality between poor and rich EU countries. (4) Finally, the refugee crisis has raised the question of (4.1) external solidarity, defined as the support for the EU to grant asylum to refugees coming from outside of EU, and (4.2) internal solidarity, defined as a strong agreement with how Member States should share the burden of distributing refugees among themselves. In the second part of Chapter 1, we define different criteria for determining the strength of European solidarity. In Chapters 2 to 5, we will apply the explicated criteria for the existence of European solidarity to each of the four domains of solidarity. By doing so, we can determine the strength of European solidarity in each domain of solidarity. As this report aims at giving a first overview of some of our results, we will apply two of the four theoretically developed criteria of European solidarity to the four domains only and present the corresponding descriptive results. Overall, our analyses reveal some unanticipated findings. Europeans altogether display a notably higher level of solidarity with citizens of other EU countries and EU states than many politicians and social scientists have so far presumed. This especially applies to the support of people in need (welfare state solidarity) and the reduction of wealth inequalities between rich and poor European countries (territorial solidarity), but also to the domain of fiscal solidarity. On top of this, European solidarity turns out to be more established than the global one. However, this optimistic view is not valid for the domain of solidarity with refugees. Whilst citizens of western and southern European countries support both, the acceptance of refugees and the fair distribution of the incurring costs and burdens be-tween European countries, the majority of people in eastern European countries do not share this point of view.
English:
The Transnational European Solidarity Survey (TESS) is a joint project of the research unit 'Horizontal Europeanization' (responsible partners: Freie Universität Berlin) and the SOLIDUS project (responsible partners: Leipzig University and University of Barcelona). The purpose of the survey is to better understand the attitudes of citizens in thirteen selected countries towards social policy and transnational solidarity in Europe. The survey includes information on European citizens' opinions on welfare state solidarity, fiscal solidarity, solidarity with refugees, scientifically informed solidarity, as well as national and transnational attitudes, values and trust. The fieldwork was conducted by infratest dimap.
Deutsch:
Das "Transnational European Solidarity Survey" (TESS) ist ein gemeinsames Projekt der DFG Forscherinnengruppe "Horizontal Europeanization" (verantwortliche Partner: Freie Universität Berlin) und des SOLIDUS-Projekts (verantwortliche Partner: Universität Leipzig und Universität Barcelona). Ziel der Umfrage ist es, die Einstellungen der Bevölkerung in dreizehn ausgewählten Ländern zu den Themen Sozialpolitik und transnationale Solidarität in Europa besser zu verstehen. Die Umfrage liefert Informationen über die Einstellungen der europäischen Bürger zu den Themen wohlfahrtsstaatliche Solidarität, fiskalische Solidarität, Solidarität mit Flüchtlingen, wissenschaftlich fundierte Solidarität sowie zu nationalen und transnationalen Einstellungen, Werten und Vertrauen. Die Feldarbeit wurde von infratest dimap durchgeführt.
GESIS
In: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America (PNAS), Band 119, Heft 44, S. 1-8
This study explores how researchers' analytical choices affect the reliability of scientific findings. Most discussions of reliability problems in science focus on systematic biases. We broaden the lens to emphasize the idiosyncrasy of conscious and unconscious decisions that researchers make during data analysis. We coordinated 161 researchers in 73 research teams and observed their research decisions as they used the same data to independently test the same prominent social science hypothesis: that greater immigration reduces support for social policies among the public. In this typical case of social science research, research teams reported both widely diverging numerical findings and substantive conclusions despite identical start conditions. Researchers' expertise, prior beliefs, and expectations barely predict the wide variation in research outcomes. More than 95% of the total variance in numerical results remains unexplained even after qualitative coding of all identifiable decisions in each team's workflow. This reveals a universe of uncertainty that remains hidden when considering a single study in isolation. The idiosyncratic nature of how researchers' results and conclusions varied is a previously underappreciated explanation for why many scientific hypotheses remain contested. These results call for greater epistemic humility and clarity in reporting scientific findings.