Suchergebnisse

This paper analyzes the causes, course, driving forces, modus operandi, and goals of the September-November 2022 protest movement in Iran following the death of a girl detained by the patrol guidance police for wearing an inappropriate hijab. A comparison is made between the ongoing protests and the opposition movements of previous years. The article begins with a brief analysis of the economic situation in the country during the first year of President Raisi's government, and reveals the main problems of economic development. The authors proceed from the fact that the economic crisis as a result of the imposition of sanctions has not been overcome, despite the positive growth of the country's GDP in the last two years. The problems in the social and cultural sphere are exacerbated as a result of generational changes, and the limitations of political life as a result of the consolidation of power in the hands of radical conservative forces. Their attempts to increase control over the observance of Islamic norms of dress and behavior, bans on cultural events lead to increased discontent in Iranian society. Young generations are actively fighting for freedom of choice and the right to make their own decisions. Society's conflict potential is increasing, which threatens the existence of the Islamic Republic. The government's efforts to suppress the movements by force do not lead to their extinguishment, and the forms of protest are changing. While radical forces call for harsher reprisals against protesters, many politicians of both moderate conservative and liberal orientations call for public dialogue and reforms in order to solve the most serious problems and preserve the Islamic regime.

China actively supports the development of international law mechanisms and the field of peaceful exploration of outer space is no exception. Joining the UN documents on space and other international organizations in the 1980s allowed Beijing to gain access to international scientific and technical cooperation. However, many Chi-nese, Russian as well as foreign experts note the imperfections of international space law, citing the lack of basic definitions and inadequate measures to control the activities of states in space. Having become a party to space law legal mechanisms much later than their entry into force, China did not participate in their delibera-tions and is now taking the initiative to establish better control mechanisms in this area.

The article examines the reprimands of the ruler of Late Medieval Japan, Oda Nobunaga, written in 1580 and addressed to his high-ranking vassal Sakuma Nobumori and his son Sakuma Nobuhide. Copies of this document have been preserved as part of the Shinchō-kō ki chronicle. Sakuma Nobumori, one of the highranking vassals of Oda Nobunaga, who commanded the siege of the Ozaka fortress, fell out of favor in 1580 after Ozaka came under Nobunaga's control. Probably this disfavor is connected with Nobunaga's desire to redistribute the lands and control over the vassals in Oda house, and the reprimands were supposed to justify Sakuma Nobumori's separation from power in the eyes of other samurai. Nobunaga condemned Nobumori for inaction during the siege of the fortress, as well as for inappropriate treatment of subordinate military commanders and stinginess. He recalled the past failures of Nobumori and set his other commanders as an example to him (Akechi Mitsuhide, Hasiba Hideyoshi, etc.), who conquered new lands and glorified themselves. Criticizing Sakuma, Nobunaga simultaneously creates for his vassals the ideal of a commander subject to him, sophisticated in the way of the warrior and skillfully managing his vassal house. Thus, Nobunaga relied on ideas and doctrines that were widespread in Late Medieval Japan. Subsequently, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, who became Nobunaga's successor, also addressed similar documents to the vassals who incurred his wrath. The annex to the article contains a commented translation of Nobunaga's condemnations into Russian.

The article explores the religious ideas of the Saami. Since ancient times the Saami have been considered the most powerful and skilled sorcerers in Europe. The researchers note the special richness and complexity of Sami paganism. Under the pressure from Scandinavian Germanic tribes and Slavs, this small and peaceful people was gradually pushed back to the northern part of Scandinavia and the Kola Peninsula. In the 14th – 15th centuries, the Saami were subjected to Christian missionary work by the Swedes, the Norwegians and the Russians. Some of the Saami adopted Christianity, while the pagan ideas of the others were influenced by Christianity. Under Soviet rule, the Saami were subjected to mass migrations, political repression and forced atheization. Positive changes in the life of the Saami occurred during perestroika, in the late 1980s and 90s. At that time, there was a rise in national and civil consciousness. Perestroika in Russia coincided with the rise of the national Saami movement in the Scandinavian countries. At last, the Nordic countries went for the organization of Saami elected bodies – parliaments, democratically defending Saami interests. These "parliaments" actually have only consultative rights and no real political powers. Perestroika opened up state borders and the Kola Saami began to receive not only humanitarian aid from neighbouring countries, but also their enthusiasm for national revival. Public activists, scientists, journalists and artists came from Norway, Finland and Sweden. On this national wave there is also a religious revival of pagan beliefs. The leader of the Saami Parliament, Valentina Sovkina, plays a leading role in the national movement and in the revival of paganism. The Saami movement has found itself in a confrontation with the Murmansk provincial authorities, but with the beginning of the Governorate of Andrei Chibis, a tendency towards constructive interaction has been outlined.

The article presents a brief analysis of the evolution of the attitude of the countries of Southeast Asia to Russia's special military operation on the territory of Ukraine in the second half of 2022 - early 2023. It is concluded that the position of some ASEAN member states has changed under the pressure from the collective West led by the United States, points out the need to intensify Russia's actions in foreign policy contacts with the countries of the Southeast Asian region in order to develop mutually beneficial relations.

The article examines the Indian approach to the Ukrainian crisis a year after the start of the active phase of the military actions. The authors consider new aspects of the strategic dialogue between Russia and India, analyze the Indian position in voting at the United Nations level, study expert discussions, assess the impact of the conflict on trade and economic cooperation between the two countries. The Ukrainian conflict did not have a significant impact on the political contacts between Russia and India, although it led to an exacerbation of differences in the perception of geopolitical processes associated with the movement of countries towards opposite global centers of power - China and the United States, respectively. The crisis slightly changed the structure of the countries' trade and economic ties, although it brought about record volumes in India's imports of Russian energy resources. However, the growth in trade opens up the potential for a wider range of mechanisms of economic interaction in the long term.

. The artcle presents a brief analysis of the reacton of the countries of Southeast Asia to Russia's conduct of a special operaton on the territory of Ukraine. The conclusion is made about the lack of unity of the ASEAN countries on this issue and points out the need to intensify Russia's actons in foreign policy contacts with the countries of the Southeast Asian region in order to develop mutual understanding and economic cooperaton.

The artcle provides an overview of India's positon on the situaton in Ukraine, envisaging both the official positon at the internatonal level and the general media backdrop. At the diplomatc level, India consistently takes a neutral positon, but the informaton agenda is dominated by Western sources of informaton, which creates unfavorable percepton of Russia's actons in Ukraine. At the politcal level, India is likely to maintain a careful balance between historical tes with Russia and dynamically growing cooperaton with the West. The authors assume that despite the course and duraton of the military operaton, the Indian approach is not likely to undergo major changes.

In this paper the authors examine the stance of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Russian special operaton in Ukraine, drawing on the analysis of the statements made by Ira‑ nian politcians and statesmen, media output and expert artcles. The Islamic Republic was concerned with the militarizaton of Ukraine, the possibility of its entry into NATO and furthering of this bloc towards Iran's boarders. The country's leadership realized that the confict between Russia and Ukraine will impact the entre system of internatonal relatons. The launch of Russia's special operaton induced varied reactons across the Iranian politcal and expert spectrum, revealing diferent foreign policy approaches among Iran's major politcal factons. The official positon of the Iranian leadership could be described as «supportve neutrality». While the confict is blamed on the West, IRI's top policymakers avoid open support towards Russia, and call for peaceful resoluton of the crisis. Only the members of ultra‑hardline establishment and those affiliated with the IRGC explicitly vindicate Russia's strategy. The oppositon represented by reformists and centrists condemns Russia's actons, critcizes Ira‑ nian authorites and calls for diversifcaton of the foreign policy line. In additon, the issue of IRI's potental capacity to enter the European energy market is addressed. The analysis of the producton and export profle of the hydrocarbons indicates, that even in the event of early removal of the sanctons, Iran will not be able to take Russia's share in the market.

From the very start of special military operaton of Russia in Ukraine Taiwan made it clear that it strongly condemns the operaton and fully supports Ukraine. Taiwan issued sanctons against Russia, the island donates to Ukrainian refugees in East Europe, Taiwan authorites consider evacuaton of its business from Russia.

The article is devoted to the problem of studying the history of feminism in China – from the activities of Christian missionaries to Chinese revolutionaries. The prerequisites and stages of the formation of the women's movement for their rights are considered on the example of the book "The Journey to the West" of a Chinese Woman or Feminism in China by Elvira A. Sinetskaya. This book actually presents the first for Russian science study of development of Chinese movement for women rights, as well as constitutes a try to describe its characteristic feature and to place it in the context of world feminism. The author begins from definition such core terms as "feminism", "gender", etc., and then considers the history of feminism beginning in China and possible causes of its appearance. She analyses an attitude to women in traditional Chinese society through the lens of family relationship, society and religion, which is viewed from historical perspective. The study is based on variety of sources, including fiction literature. E.A. Sinetskaya connects the first attempts of Chinese women to obtain equality of rights with spread of Cristianity, but in this paper another point of view on this problem is presented. Then Taoism gave equal rights and possibilities for its progeny regardless of sex and social status. In this religion one can find pantheon of female goddesses, etc. The issues of family and marriage, the right to education, the right to independent earnings and problems with the exercise of their rights by women are being raised in the article, it highlights the connection between the Chinese women's movement and the problem of human freedom