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Russ. u. engl. Zsfassung. - Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T.: Lithuanian Soviet nomenklatura within the bureaucratic system: between stagnation and dynamics (1968 - 1988)

The article analyses the impact of present-day Russian internal structural factors, searching national ideology and shaping "Russian conservatism" line formation marked the links between this ideology and Russian foreign policy. The main focus is designated to Russia's politics after the Russia-Georgia conflict in 2008, highlighting the response of Vladimir Putin's regime to several domestic policy tensions related with: 1) the structure of the Russian regime and the domination of siloviki group in the power structures; 2) the etno-federalist structure of Russia and the growing nationalism; and 3) the competition of several ideologies, which increasingly turns to the support of Eurasianist ideology line and its transformation into "Russian conservatism". Theoretically, this analysis is based on the internal and external factors that have an impact on the state's policies (e.g. Walter Carlsnaes concepts), as well as on the theories analysing Russian etno-federalism and informal networks/relations. This article argues that Russian internal structural factors strongly support the Russian Eurasianist direction as the dominant policy doctrine, and this doctrine defines the Russian foreign policy, limits its balancing and influences the dynamics of foreign policy. It shows how, during the recent years, Russia's assertive foreign policy has become influenced by neo-imperialist vision of a strong, conservative, and alternative Russia, which actively uses the "Russian conservatism" as an ideological justification, supports active protection of Russia's interest in the post-Soviet region (e.g., war with Ukraine) increasing the use of foreign policy in the post-Soviet region (e.g., war with Ukraine) or raising the question about the multipolar world order. Other competing ideological lines (pro-Western liberalism and Slavic nationalisms) are still included in the balancing if there is demand, however, it remains non-typical forms of current Russia's ideological framework. Since the Russia-Georgia war in 2008, the aggressive Russian foreign policy depends not only on the external factors, but it also increasingly reacts to internal factors, especially to Putin's interest to maintain the vertical power and ensure further legitimacy of the regime. Russia's "electoral authoritarianism", which actively used the concept of "sovereign democracy" last decade, faced serious challenges in 2011– 2012. After public protests for electoral fraud, Putin's circles have perceived that Russia's ruling elites need to initiate a new turn for the country, either to a wider democracy development or to find other resources to mobilise society. By reacting to the interest of siloviki group and seeing the confrontation between Russian ethnic and minorities' nationalism manifestations, Putin's regime strengthened its orientation towards the new Eurasianism, which emphasized the special path of Russia's civilization: being alternative to the Western world, adjusting only "appropriate for Russia" democracy standards, opposing human rights development, and seeing it as a harmful foreign influence. State patriotism was framed under the new "Russian conservatism" line, which emphasized strong authority of central power, Russian imperial identity, Russia's interest in Eurasian regions, support for multipolar world, and the spread of conservative values as opposition to Western cosmopolitism. It helped to mobilise Russian society, integrate the great old and the new military victories of Russia's state and received a new support and greater legitimacy for Putin's regime. This ideology leaves room for integration of separate narratives from various ideological lines (from the Soviet nostalgia and technocratic modernisation to "old Russia" traditionalism). Military actions in Ukraine in 2014–2015 have illustrated that imperial approach effectively mobilises not only the Russian society but a certain part of the other post- Soviet societies (e.g., the idea of the Russian world). This "Russian conservatism" also attempts to respond to other internal tensions, such as ethnic conflicts, by promoting a more intensive Russian state identity instead of an ethnic identity. The situation, when various ethnic minorities and their leaders (e.g., R. Kadyrov) actively supported Russia's actions in Ukraine and the new Putin's activism, revealed that under this ideological umbrella, such local actors as in Putin's circle, leaders of ethnic regions, Orthodox church, and media authorities find themselves in the state's ongoing narratives. Under this situation, Putin's regime effectively marginalises their opponents. Non-systemic liberal-democrats are presented as acting against Russia's interests. The discourse for keeping the relationship with Western partners, which emphasizes the modernisation or stresses the importance of economic developments, is still valid, and it is still used for balancing, but current ideological trend has clearly prioritised the imperial identity over democracy development. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamas šiandienės Rusijos vidaus struktūrinių veiksnių ir vidaus veikėjų poveikis nacionalinės ideologijos paieškai ir "ru­siškojo konservatizmo" linijos formavimui, nužymint ir šios ideologijos sąsajas su Rusijos užsienio politika. Pagrindinį dėmesį skiriant Rusijos po­litikai nuo Gruzijos ir Rusijos karo 2008 m. iki 2016 m. yra išryškinama, kaip Vladimiro Putino režimas, atsakydamas į vidaus politikoje kylančias įtampas, susijusias su: 1) Rusijos režimo struktūros specifika, silovikų do­minavimu; 2) etnofederalizmo struktūra ir stiprėjančiu nacionalizmu bei 3) ideologijų konkurencija, vis aktyviau imasi eurazianistinę kryptį transfor­muoti į valstybine doktrina tampantį "rusiškąjį konservatizmą". Šiai anali­zei yra naudojamos vidaus ir išorės struktūrinių veiksnių poveikio politikai (pvz., Walterio Carlsnaeso konceptai), etnofederalizmo tyrimų bei neforma­lių ryšių teorinės priegos. Straipsnyje tvirtinama, kad Rusijos vidaus struk­tūriniai veiksniai formuoja Rusijos eurazianistinę kryptį kaip dominuojančią politikos doktriną, kuri apibrėžia (riboja) Rusijos užsienio politikos balan­savimą ir padeda paaiškinti jos dinamiką. Parodoma, kaip pastarųjų metų Rusijos agresyvėjanti užsienio politika tampa persmelkta valdžioje neoimpe­rialistų vizijos apie "stiprią, konservatyvią ir alternatyvią Rusiją", kuri lemia "rusiškojo konservatizmo" plėtojimą ir didėjantį naudojimą užsienio politi­kos kontekste, pagrindžiant Rusijos aktyvumą (agresyvumą) posovietiniame regione (pvz., kare su Ukraina), keliant daugiapolio pasaulio tvarkos klau­simą. Kitos konkuruojančios idėjinės linijos (provakarietiškas liberalizmas ir slavofiliškas nacionalizmas) yra įtraukiamos į balansavimą pagal poreikį, tačiau išlieka netipinėmis formomis, tam tikrais ideologiniais kraštutinumais.

The purpose of the cultural elite members during soviet period was designated for the implementation of soviet indoctrination and legitimization of the regime. This task provided for those cultural elites not only the authority, symbolic capital and prestige among other societal groups, but also the strict mechanisms of control, censorship and public behavior. Even this model was valid for soviet Lithuania, the analysis of their relationship with the system in the late socialism reveals that local intellectuals and other cultural elite's members who were part of soviet cultural establishment transferred to the multi-edge relationship with the system.This article is an attempt to apply socio-political perspective analyzing soviet system. By observing the erosion of the system, the rise of ethnic and local interests and the digress of everyday life from official goals it is importantly to argue that during the period of late socialism local elites of cultural establishments diminished their participation in soviet indoctrination processes and made significant influences mobilizing the national identity.After the Brezhnev gained the power and especially after Prague Spring in 1968, there was a collective disappointment among many intellectuals regarding soviet valu­es. When Brezhnev doctrine was introduced it was clear that ideology cannot be inter­ preted anymore and the status quo and dogmatism was the most preferable position for the political elite. In this context, the mainstream of local cultural elite responded to the decline of values and has changed their engagement to the soviet system, expanding their focus to ethnic traditions, local history and symbols and sharing their attitudes in informal networks, who often served for intellectuals as analogues of public spheres (concept of V. Klumbys, 2009). This perspective pays attention to the conditions of late socialism, when communist ideology was turned to dogmatic position and every­day life alongside with ideological rituals also reflected informal practices helping to solve shortages, avoiding strict control and gently bringing new ideas. By taking the case of soviet writers, several intellectuals circles could be identi­fied and this deployment could be sustained as a reflection of the rest of cultural elite. These groups not maintained constructed different relationship with the system or national ideology, but also experienced the intensive struggle for the power in local cultural establishments. The group of ideologists gradually lost their influence to the group of conservatist, who in the 70–80 occupied main chairs in cultural institutions and who were more enthusiastic towards ethnic issues, but being a part of cultural nomenclatura they also found consensus with local party apparatchiks. Another part of cultural nomenclatura – ideologists could not also gained the public recognition as conservatists or the famous intellectuals from local intelligentsia circles (moderate writers), who have increased their authority for their talent and deep attachment to local and ethnic issues. Emphasizing the orientation to localism among conservatists and their close rela­tions with the circles of moderate intellectuals under the conditions of late socialism, this article argues that significant part of cultural nomenclatura digressed from soviet indoctrination practices converting to the support of national ideology and accumula­ting the cultural capital, which has played important role in national revival in 90's. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas kultūrinės nomenklatūros santykis su sovietine sistema, pabrėžiant šių kultūrininkų orientacijos ir elgsenos pokyčius septintajame–aštuntajame dešimtmečiuose ir didėjančią paramą nacionalinei ideologijai. Remiantis kokybine analize ir tarpdalykine prieiga, straipsnyje dėmesys skiriamas sovietmečio kultūrininkų susisluoksniavimui, neformalių tinklų įtakai, dalyvavimui komunistinės indoktrinacijos veikloje ir mobilizuojant nacionalinį tapatumą. Remiantis rašytojų atvejo analize parodoma, kad vėlyvajame sovietmetyje gana akivaizdžiai išryškėja rašytojų konservacininkų (nomenklatūros dalis) vietininkiškumo laikysena, sovietmečio sąlygomis demonstruojanti paramą etniniams bei lokaliniams interesams ir atskleidžianti įsivyravusį oficialaus kultūrinio elito abejingumą sistemai. Analizės rezultatai leidžia teigti, kad ši pozicija buvo ypač svarbi gilinant sovietinės sistemos eroziją ir prisidedant prie nacionalinių procesų stiprėjimo devintajame dešimtmetyje.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas kultūrinės nomenklatūros santykis su sovietine sistema, pabrėžiant šių kultūrininkų orientacijos ir elgsenos pokyčius septintajame–aštuntajame dešimtmečiuose ir didėjančią paramą nacionalinei ideologijai. Remiantis kokybine analize ir tarpdalykine prieiga, straipsnyje dėmesys skiriamas sovietmečio kultūrininkų susisluoksniavimui, neformalių tinklų įtakai, dalyvavimui komunistinės indoktrinacijos veikloje ir mobilizuojant nacionalinį tapatumą. Remiantis rašytojų atvejo analize parodoma, kad vėlyvajame sovietmetyje gana akivaizdžiai išryškėja rašytojų konservacininkų (nomenklatūros dalis) vietininkiškumo laikysena, sovietmečio sąlygomis demonstruojanti paramą etniniams bei lokaliniams interesams ir atskleidžianti įsivyravusį oficialaus kultūrinio elito abejingumą sistemai. Analizės rezultatai leidžia teigti, kad ši pozicija buvo ypač svarbi gilinant sovietinės sistemos eroziją ir prisidedant prie nacionalinių procesų stiprėjimo devintajame dešimtmetyje.

The purpose of the cultural elite members during soviet period was designated for the implementation of soviet indoctrination and legitimization of the regime. This task provided for those cultural elites not only the authority, symbolic capital and prestige among other societal groups, but also the strict mechanisms of control, censorship and public behavior. Even this model was valid for soviet Lithuania, the analysis of their relationship with the system in the late socialism reveals that local intellectuals and other cultural elite's members who were part of soviet cultural establishment transferred to the multi-edge relationship with the system. By taking the case of soviet writers, several intellectuals circles could be identified and this deployment could be sustained as a reflection of the rest of cultural elite. These groups not maintained constructed different relationship with the system or national ideology, but also experienced the intensive struggle for the power in local cultural establishments. The group of ideologists gradually lost their influence to the group of conservatist, who in the 70-80 occupied main chairs in cultural institutions and who were more enthusiastic towards ethnic issues, but being a part of cultural nomenclatura they also found consensus with local party apparatchiks. Another part of cultural nomenclatura -- ideologists could not also gained the public recognition as conservatists or the famous intellectuals from local intelligentsia circles (moderate writers), who have increased their authority for their talent and deep attachment to local and ethnic issues. Adapted from the source document.

This study analyses the situation of ethnic minorities in Lithuania with a particular focus on a region of South-Eastern Lithuania densely populated by ethnic minorities. Based on findings, the strategy 2018-2027 for policy on ethnic minorities is developed and an implementation mechanism described. Along with the mechanism scheme, the study offers an evaluation methodology with specific progress indicators. The international law defines an ethnic minority or an ethnic community as a group living in a state, which constitutes less than a half of the state's total population and differs from the majority by objective and subjective features such as language, religion, customs, culture etc. Many states use these characteristics to distinguish ethnic minorities in their national legislation. The Constitution of Lithuania guarantees ethnic minorities' rights to cherish their language, culture and traditions. The country has signed conventions for protection of rights of ethnic minorities and integrated its international commitments to the national law. Ethnic minorities in Lithuania have an opportunity to acquire education in their native tongue from a pre-school to a higher school; laws stipulate their freedom of expression, media, assembly, and association. It sums up in a generally good situation for ethnic minorities in Lithuania. However, a part of Russian-language media in Lithuania forms a sceptical attitude towards Lithuania, there is seen a favourability and priority for Russian's official position. As well as some media outlets of ethnic minorities have no capacity to facilitate advanced training for their journalists or editors by participating in educational sessions. Notably, quality media play a role of particular importance in outbalancing hostile propaganda and misinformation in current geopolitical situation by spreading impartial information. Therefore, Lithuanian media targeting ethnic minorities should be supported by implementing media literacy and propaganda immunity initiatives. Situated around the capital city which is the economic core of the country, the South-Eastern region could be the most economically developed part of the country according to global and EU trends. Yet, the analysis of the region indicates that it fares below the country's average by indicators such as foreign direct investments, entrepreneurship, unemployment, and average wage, especially in e.g. Šalčininkai district. The region is badly in need of more active government's engagement in its development. With these aspects and challenges taken into consideration, the proposed strategy 2018–2027 for policy on ethnic minorities includes following objectives:  to improve the informational environment of the ethnic minorities and reinforce their media;  to improve representation of ethnic minorities' interests;  to promote the social and economic development of the region of South-Eastern Lithuania;  to boost South-Eastern Lithuania's competitiveness through education and culture;  to strengthen community development in South-Eastern Lithuania. Implementation of each objective includes specific tasks. Importantly, objectives proposed for South-Eastern Lithuania are also suitable for other regions with numerous ethnic minority populations and for the entire country to enable well-balanced and sustainable development of all regions. The implementation thus does not need to be restricted to the South-Eastern region. The Department of Ethnic Minorities, the Ministries of Interior, Economy, Education and Science, and Culture, municipalities of Vilnius, Trakai, Šalčininkai and Švenčionys districts, NGOs, and other entities and individuals shall contribute to the implementation of the Strategy. The Strategy's objectives and tasks shall be implemented in the framework of the National Progress Programme, the Development Plan for Vilnius Region and other mid-term planning documents. The Department of Ethnic Minorities shall coordinate the implementation. If properly implemented, the aspiration of the Strategy is to make a decade-long contribution to resolving issues of regions with large ethnic minority populations and encouraging the social and economic development of these regions by ensuring ethnic minorities' better integration into the social, economic and cultural life of Lithuania and, at the same time, preserving their identities.

This study analyses the situation of ethnic minorities in Lithuania with a particular focus on a region of South-Eastern Lithuania densely populated by ethnic minorities. Based on findings, the strategy 2018-2027 for policy on ethnic minorities is developed and an implementation mechanism described. Along with the mechanism scheme, the study offers an evaluation methodology with specific progress indicators. The international law defines an ethnic minority or an ethnic community as a group living in a state, which constitutes less than a half of the state's total population and differs from the majority by objective and subjective features such as language, religion, customs, culture etc. Many states use these characteristics to distinguish ethnic minorities in their national legislation. The Constitution of Lithuania guarantees ethnic minorities' rights to cherish their language, culture and traditions. The country has signed conventions for protection of rights of ethnic minorities and integrated its international commitments to the national law. Ethnic minorities in Lithuania have an opportunity to acquire education in their native tongue from a pre-school to a higher school; laws stipulate their freedom of expression, media, assembly, and association. It sums up in a generally good situation for ethnic minorities in Lithuania. However, a part of Russian-language media in Lithuania forms a sceptical attitude towards Lithuania, there is seen a favourability and priority for Russian's official position. As well as some media outlets of ethnic minorities have no capacity to facilitate advanced training for their journalists or editors by participating in educational sessions. Notably, quality media play a role of particular importance in outbalancing hostile propaganda and misinformation in current geopolitical situation by spreading impartial information. Therefore, Lithuanian media targeting ethnic minorities should be supported by implementing media literacy and propaganda immunity initiatives. Situated around the capital city which is the economic core of the country, the South-Eastern region could be the most economically developed part of the country according to global and EU trends. Yet, the analysis of the region indicates that it fares below the country's average by indicators such as foreign direct investments, entrepreneurship, unemployment, and average wage, especially in e.g. Šalčininkai district. The region is badly in need of more active government's engagement in its development. With these aspects and challenges taken into consideration, the proposed strategy 2018–2027 for policy on ethnic minorities includes following objectives:  to improve the informational environment of the ethnic minorities and reinforce their media;  to improve representation of ethnic minorities' interests;  to promote the social and economic development of the region of South-Eastern Lithuania;  to boost South-Eastern Lithuania's competitiveness through education and culture;  to strengthen community development in South-Eastern Lithuania. Implementation of each objective includes specific tasks. Importantly, objectives proposed for South-Eastern Lithuania are also suitable for other regions with numerous ethnic minority populations and for the entire country to enable well-balanced and sustainable development of all regions. The implementation thus does not need to be restricted to the South-Eastern region. The Department of Ethnic Minorities, the Ministries of Interior, Economy, Education and Science, and Culture, municipalities of Vilnius, Trakai, Šalčininkai and Švenčionys districts, NGOs, and other entities and individuals shall contribute to the implementation of the Strategy. The Strategy's objectives and tasks shall be implemented in the framework of the National Progress Programme, the Development Plan for Vilnius Region and other mid-term planning documents. The Department of Ethnic Minorities shall coordinate the implementation. If properly implemented, the aspiration of the Strategy is to make a decade-long contribution to resolving issues of regions with large ethnic minority populations and encouraging the social and economic development of these regions by ensuring ethnic minorities' better integration into the social, economic and cultural life of Lithuania and, at the same time, preserving their identities.