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This article investigates the political activism undertaken by sub-Saharan West-African migrants residing in Hamburg. The article looks into political activism and resistance by exploring a politics of interference and emergence of new political subjectivities among African migrants. As stated by the refugees, they "did not survive the Nato war in Libya to die on the streets of Hamburg". The struggle works on different scales. It is based on a critique of the EU asylum and control system, of the Italian management of the "refugee problem", and of the local authorities of Hamburg. Furthermore, the article looks into how such political activism is diffused across local and national borders through local and transnational alliance-building.

The article explores how categories of deserving and undeserving groups are established in policy designs and how social target groups are constructed according to such distinctions. Institutionalised systems of exclusion and inclusion have a profound impact on citizenship and substantial democracy. Neoliberalist political ideas and attitudes have strengthened the focus on deserving and undeserving groups over the last years and spurred a popular belief that welfare fraud is rampant. This tendency has led to a retrenchment of established rights and increasing use of illiberal means to further punish the undeserving. This article discusses these issues further by looking at the position of lone mothers in Denmark and how they constitute a social target group defined by their class, gender, ethnic, and religious differences. Categories of deservingness are also framed in national narratives and politics of belonging.

The article explores how categories of deserving and undeserving groups are established in policy designs and how social target groups are constructed according to such distinctions. Institutionalised systems of exclusion and inclusion have a profound impact on citizenship and substantial democracy. Neoliberalist political ideas and attitudes have strengthened the focus on deserving and undeserving groups over the last years and spurred a popular belief that welfare fraud is rampant. This tendency has led to a retrenchment of established rights and increasing use of illiberal means to further punish the undeserving. This article discusses these issues further by looking at the position of lone mothers in Denmark and how they constitute a social target group defined by their class, gender, ethnic, and religious differences. Categories of deservingness are also framed in national narratives and politics of belonging.

Guy Standing's description of the precariat in his 2011 book has revitalized the debate on what the precariat is, and what it is not. Although the book faced criticism from labour studies, Marxist approaches and others, it opened up a new discussion of precarity under neoliberal capitalism. This article draws on understandings that link the notion of the precariat (and processes of precarization) to practices and investigates links between immigration and precarity. It argues that the analysis of what precarity is should be supplemented by an inquiry into what it does. Precarity is here understood as a mode for analysing economy and for rethinking heterogeneous identities and group formations. The article uses two cases, Lampedusa in Hamburg 2013–2015 and the "Freedom Not Frontex" action in June 2014, to illustrate how processes of precarization play out in everyday life situations and the economic, legal and social system for immigrants.

Categories of difference have a crucial position in academic research as well as policy-making. They serve to distinguish and differentiate between groups in society. They can appear in the shape of crude dichotomies or in complex and sophisticated forms resting on constructivist and intersectionalist perspectives. Nevertheless, using categories of difference also creates something into existence and there may be implications through the particular application of specific categories. This article reflects on how categories of difference are constructed and employed in research, legislation and policy discourse. By looking at different approaches used by qualitative and quantitative researchers, as well as at how specific concepts enter policy-making and legislation, I want to address a number of questions about how we as researchers understand and work with categories of differences. The article will mainly consist of a theoretical discussion, but will use two main empirical examples of race and religion. The article aims to provide tentative answers about what the consequences of particular uses of categories and concepts could be.

Categories of difference have a crucial position in academic research as well as policy-making. They serve to distinguish and differentiate between groups in society. They can appear in the shape of crude dichotomies or in complex and sophisticated forms resting on constructivist and intersectionalist perspectives. Nevertheless, using categories of difference also creates something into existence and there may be implications through the particular application of specific categories. This article reflects on how categories of difference are constructed and employed in research, legislation and policy discourse. By looking at different approaches used by qualitative and quantitative researchers, as well as at how specific concepts enter policy-making and legislation, I want to address a number of questions about how we as researchers understand and work with categories of differences. The article will mainly consist of a theoretical discussion, but will use two main empirical examples of race and religion. The article aims to provide tentative answers about what the consequences of particular uses of categories and concepts could be.

This article investigates the role of expert knowledge in integration policy-making in the case of Sweden and Denmark. The two countries have developed very different integration policies and therefore provide an interesting comparison of the research–policy nexus. It is argued that social scientists play a role in the construction of policy narratives, but that their role can be very different. In Sweden, social scientists have been influential in agenda-setting and conceptual rethinking of immigrant integration policies. In Denmark social science research has been utilised in a more selective 'pick-and-choose' manner to legitimate government policies.

Gennem de seneste årtier er international migration blevet et globalt fænomen. Det har præsenteret både nationalstaten og velfærdsstaten med en række udfordringer, som sætter nye krav til, hvordan nytilkommere inkorporeres i samfundet, og hvordan samfundet generelt kan omstruktureres for at tackle disse udfordringer. Den norske forsker Grete Brochmann opsummerer denne udfordring klart, når hun hævder, at mens modtagerlande tidligere havde den fornødne tid til, at indvandrere langsomt over generationer blev assimileret i samfundene, så har velfærdsstaterne ikke længere samme tid og tålmodighed på grund af de indre dynamikker og udgifter fra velfærdsstaten selv (Brochmann, 2003: 6-7). De respektive nationalstater har derfor været nødsaget til at udvikle inkorporeringsmodeller, der kan håndtere denne udfordring. Det er studiet af disse strukturelle betingelser, her sammenfattet i begrebet om politiske og diskursive mulighedsstrukturer (Koopmans et al ., 2005), for indvandreres aktive deltagelse i samfundet, der har været det centrale tema i nærværende afhandling. Sociale fællesskaber og organisationer i civilsamfundet er traditionelt blevet tilskrevet evnen til at styrke relationer mellem individer og forøge social tillid, identitet og tilhørs­forhold. Uanset om vi fokuserer på individet eller på organisationen som intervenerende institution mellem staten, det politiske system og borgeren i den demokratiske proces, vil engagement i organisationslivet formodenligt også have en effekt på integrationsprocesserne i samfundet. De hollandske forskere Meindert Fennema & Jean Tillie fremdrager i den forbindelse en ganske kontroversiel antagelse, når de hævder: " To have undemocratic ethnic organisations is better for the democratic process than to have no organisations at all " (Fennema & Tillie, 1999: 723; kursiv i original). Deres konklusion bygger videre på Putnams undersøgelser af amerikansk deltagelse i det civile samfund, men fokuserer her på såkaldte etniske organisationer. Netop studiet af etniske ...

Preliminary Material /Carl-Ulrik Schierup and Martin Bak Jørgensen -- From 'Social Exclusion' to 'Precarity'. The Becoming-migrant of Labour: An Introduction /Carl-Ulrik Schierup and Martin Bak Jørgensen -- A Geneology of Precarity: A Toolbox for Rearticulating Fragmented Social Realities In and Out of the Workplace /Maribel Casas-Cortés -- The Precariat Strikes Back – Precarity Struggles in Practice /Martin Bak Jørgensen -- Globalisation, Labour and the 'Precariat': Old Wine in New Bottles? /Ronaldo Munck -- Rethinking Migration in the Context of Precarity: The Case of Turkey /Nazlı Şenses -- Multiplex Migration and Aspects of Precarisation: Swedish Retirement Migrants to Spain and their Service Providers /Anna Gavanas and Ines Calzada -- Employment in Crisis: Cyprus and the Extension of Precarity /Gregoris Ioannou -- Migrant Precarity under China's New Immigration Law Regime /Mimi Zou -- Running into Nowhere: Educational Migration in Beijing and the Conundrum of Social and Existential Mobility /Susanne Bregnbæk -- Necropolitics and the Migrant as a Political Subject of Disgust: The Precarious Everyday of Russia's Labour Migrants /John Round and Irina Kuznetsova-Morenko -- Mobile Commons and/in Precarious Spaces: Mapping Migrant Struggles and Social Resistance /Nicos Trimikliniotis , Dimitris Parsanoglou and Vassilis Tsianos -- The Working Class and the City as Political Platform in New York /Peter Schultz Jørgensen -- Under the Rainbow. Migration, Precarity and People Power in Postapartheid South Africa /Carl-Ulrik Schierup -- Index /Carl-Ulrik Schierup and Martin Bak Jørgensen.

In the academic literature there seems to be consensus on irregular migration being a marginal phenomenon in the Scandinavian countries. The reason for this is found in the highly regulated labour markets and strict control migration regimes both internally and externally. The article addresses the 'myth' of the non-presence of irregular migration in Scandinavia. Firstly, we look at how irregular migration is framed academically; secondly, we analyze how irregular migration is conceptualized more broadly in the three countries, looking at the different political strategies relating to this conceptualization such as normalization, regularization and criminalization.

"Contending Global Apartheid: Transversal Solidarities and Politics of Possibility spells out a plea for utopia in a crisis-ridden 21st century of unequal development, exclusionary citizenship, and forced migrations. The volume offers a collection of critical essays on human rights movements, sanctuary spaces, and the emplacement of antiracist conviviality in cities across North and South America, Europe, and Africa. They proceed from the idea that cities may accommodate both a humanistic sensibility and a radical potential for social transformation. The figure of the 'migrant' is pivotal. It expounds the prospect of transversal solidarity to capture a plurality of commonalities and to abjure dichotomies between in-group and out-group, the national and the international, or society and institutions. Contributors are: Aleksandra Ålund, Ilker Ataç, Martin Bak Jørgensen, Harald Bauder, Iriann Freemantle, Christophe Foultier, Óscar García Agustín, Shannon Gleeson, Margaret Godoy, Els de Graauw, Ilhan Kellecioglu, Loren B. Landau, Jorge Morales Cardiel, Janet Munakamwe, Kim Rygiel, Ana Santamarina, Carl-Ulrik Schierup, Sarah Schilliger, and Maurice Stierl"--

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Chapter 1 From Refugee Crisis to a Crisis of Solidarity? -- Abstract -- What Kind of Crisis? -- Whose Crisis? -- What Happened and What Was Done? Domino Effects Across Europe -- The Refugee Crisis and New Solidarities -- Structure of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2 Conceptualizing Solidarity. An Analytical Framework -- Abstract -- Solidarity as Contentious -- Crisis as a Moment of Change -- Generation of New Collective Identities -- Building Social Alliances -- Alternatives-Commoning and Imaginaries -- Space and Multi-Scale -- Solidarity and Institutions -- Solidarity and the Crisis: Three Types of Solidarity -- References -- Chapter 3 Autonomous Solidarity: Hotel City Plaza -- Abstract -- Autonomy, Borders, and Solidarity -- Migration, Squatting, and the Crisis -- Greece-The Political Economy of Crises -- Athens -- The Utopia of a Single Building-Hotel City Plaza -- Not the Solution But an Example of an Enacted Alternative -- References -- Chapter 4 Civic Solidarity: Venligboerne -- Abstract -- The Danish Immigration Regime -- Migrants, Civil Society, and Activism in Denmark Before the 'Refugee Crisis' -- The 'Refugee Crisis' as a New Moment -- Horizontalist Solidarity: Creating Spaces of Interaction in Lack of Institutional Ones -- Civic Solidarity Between Autonomy and Institutionalization -- Polarizations, Fractions and the Issue of Politics -- References -- Chapter 5 Institutional Solidarity: Barcelona as Refuge City -- Abstract -- Solidarities at Stake -- When Solidarity Becomes Institutional -- Civil Society: Local and Trans-local Solidarities -- Scaling Up: Solidarity Cities -- Urban Solidarities and Multilevel Governance -- References -- Chapter 6 Solidarity as Political Action. Crime or Alternative? -- Abstract -- Solidarity Is not a Crime -- Solidarity as Alternative?.

New forms of solidarity are being shaped as a response to the European "refugee crisis." The state--in the form of national governments--has not been able to implement any viable or sustainable solution to the crisis, but the solidarity movement has been very visible and active in European countries. This book offers a conceptualization of three types of solidarity: autonomous, civic, and institutional solidarity. This framework is applied to three case studies, illustrating the emergence of different forms of solidarity: the City Plaza Hotel in Athens, the Danish "friendly neighbors," and Barcelona as refuge city