This paper aims to analyze the legal position of Towani Tolotang in the case of restrictions on religion in Indonesia. This paper is based on research toward the Towani Tolotang community in the Sidenreng Rappang Regency. Towani Tolotang is a local religion that continues to survive despite attempts to disband its followers, efforts which come not only from groups which disagree with the religion's existence, but is also from the state. The discrimination experienced by followers of Towani Tolotang comes from two directions: first, from the public in the form of assumptions which denounce them, and second, from the government through a variety of regulations which limit the space for followers of Towani Tolotang to develop its teachings.
This paper discusses the young Muslim public's response to non-Muslim leadership in Indonesia. The democratic system provides equal opportunities for everyone to be leaders in various levels of government. However, the debate over non-Muslim leaders remains common, especially in this contemporary era. How the young Muslim public tendency to respond to non-Muslims leadership becomes the point discussed in this paper. This study finds out that there were three young Muslim public tendencies regarding to non-Muslim leadership. First, the tendency of those groups expressively denies the leadership of non-Muslims. The explanation of the Islami texts authority, the Muslim social reality, and the history of national leadership form the basis of this group's thinking. Second, there were groups that accept on the basis of reason, i.e. the social context and political interests, namely anyone has the opportunity and opportunity to be a leader among the Muslim majority. Third, groups that tend to accept with certain conditions, such as having the ability, commitment to uphold the values of Islam, and non-discrimination. ; Tulisan ini membahas respons publik muda Islam mengenai kepemimpinan non-Muslim di Indonesia. Sistem demokrasi memberikan peluang yang sama kepada semua orang untuk menjadi pemimpin dalam berbagai level pemerintahan. Namun, perdebatan mengenai pemimpin non-Muslim masih sering terjadi khususnya di kontemporer ini. Bagaimana kecenderungan publik muda Islam merespons hal tersebut, merupakan salah satu inti yang didiskusikan dalam tulisan ini. Melalui wawancara dan quesioner serta studi pustaka, penulis. Studi ini menemukan tiga kecenderungan publik muda Islam mengenai kepemimpinan non-Muslim. Pertama, kecenderungan kelompok yang secara tegas menolak kepemimpinan bagi non-Muslim. Penjelasan nash, realitas sosial Muslim, dan sejarah kepemimpinan nasional menjadi dasar pemikiran kelompok ini. Kedua, kecenderungan kelompok yang menerima dengan dasar alasan adalah konteks social dan kepentingan politik sehingga siapapun memiliki peluang dan kesempatan menjadi pemimpin di tengah mayoritas Muslim. Ketiga, kelompok yang cenderung menerima dengan syarat-syarat tertentu, seperti memiliki kemampuan, komitmen menegakkan nilai-nilai Islam, dan tidak terjadi diskrimiantif.
The Indonesian democratic era has provided hope for the growth of mutual social practices established upon diversity of ethnicity, religions, race, and inter-group relations. Yet, in the last decade, various forms of violence were often carried out on behalf of religion instead. These acts of violence were not only physical but also psychological (cultural), in the forms of discrimination, abuse, expulsion, insult, and threat. The Ahmadiyya and Shia cases, for instance, provide an outlook regarding the prevalence of violence within social practices in the community in response to differences. Why does such violence remain to occur in Indonesia? The work finds that, aside from a 'failed understanding of religious texts', excessive truth claim also triggers acts of religious violence in the current era of Indonesian democracy. It is of utmost importance that people's understanding and interpretation of differences be set straight so that any response to differences can be considered as an embryo of national power that serves as an instrument employed for uniting the people of this nation instead of disuniting them. It is also strongly indicated by the work that religious violence may be avoided by changing the understanding of the meaning of differences.
This paper explores the problem of inequality in education in Indonesia. Educational facilities have stood firm and can be found up to the district city, its existence cannot be utilized optimally by the nation's children. The high school graduates who want to go to college, can not realize their dreams because of various obstacles. First, the adequacy of information about higher education is not evenly distributed. Access to information is more known to certain circles so that they can also choose institutions as a place to continue education. Information on scholarships, for example, is very limited. Second, the standard of acceptance used by higher education institutions is still 'unbalanced'. Competition for entry to the best colleges is only contested by graduates who come from the best schools as well. Graduates from certain schools, especially those away from access to education, are unable to compete and are marginalized. Third, the design of educational institutions is still ambiguous. The existence of the dichotomy of the state-private, common-religion, modern-traditional and various another naming also influenced the practice of the gap of the Indonesian higher education to the present. Higher education should be a space for all children of the nation and provide services without discriminating treatment
