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This paper considers the history and context of the control of public spaces, how this is regulated currently and how it relates to the politics of homelessness and community governance with a specific focus on the regulation of public space in the contemporary city of Manchester.

In Carbon Justice, leading political philosopher Jeremy Moss sets out an ethical framework to establish the cost of the harms of these major emitters and what they should do about it.

Many authors have noted the potential economic and political advantages of supply side measures. But what is missing in this debate is an evaluation of the moral advantages of supply side constraints. This paper aims to fill that gap. Considering the moral advantages is important because of the role that moral considerations ought to play in a climate transition. No matter what technologies we choose or policy mechanisms we adopt to achieve a climate transition, each will produce benefits and burdens, and those benefits and burdens (particularly the burdens) will have to be paid for and shared by individuals or groups within society. Sharing benefits and burdens within (and between) societies is a question of distributive justice. I will argue that adopting supply side measures has the potential to make a climate transition significantly more just. My claim is that, especially in respect of fossil fuel exports, supply side measures have four distinct moral advantages: they target the right agents, allow us to rank our responses, deal with the problem of fossil fuel exports and may deliver an egalitarian dividend.

World Development, Vol. 33, No. 1, January 2005, is reviewed.

Withoutthe overriding concern of Soviet domination, Americans are engaging in an introspective re-evaluation of their national interests, values, and priorities. Despite the heterogeneity of all the participants, including the key opinion-makers, a near-consensus has emerged that the United States should be pushing and supporting an external process that has come to be known as 'democratisation'. This policy stems from widespread perceptions about the special nature of America's identity and rôle in the world. The thesis presented here is that the United States is primarily defined by a particular liberal philosophy and concept of modernity, and that the projection of 'democracy' abroad is not necessarily a 'natural' or universal evolution of human development. Africa's increasing marginalisation has allowed certain groups committed to spreading 'American values' an unprecedented ability to shape policy and turn the continent into a liberal socio-political experiment.