Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Figures -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- Chapter 2 Al-Firzul in Context -- 1 Before the Nineteenth Century -- 2 The Nineteenth Century to the End of World War I -- 3 Post World War I to World War II -- 4 World War II -- 5 The Post-World War II Period -- 6 The Village during the 1970s -- 7 The Civil War -- 8 After the Civil War: The 1990s -- 9 The 2000s -- Chapter 3 Women, Gender, and Families -- 1 Kinship and Residence -- 1.1 Residence -- 1.2 Group Formation -- 1.3 Terminology: Language and Reality -- 2 Views about Marriage -- 3 Finding a Spouse -- 4 Age at Marriage -- 5 Family Structure and Size -- 6 Conclusion -- Chapter 4 Women, Education, and Work -- 1 Education -- 1.1 Education before the 1970s -- 1.2 Education during the 1970s -- 1.3 Education: The Civil War and Later -- 1.4 Understanding Changes in Education -- 2 Work -- 2.1 Early Twentieth Century -- 2.2 The 1930s and 1940s -- 2.3 The 1950s -- 2.4 Work during the 1970s -- 2.5 Work Post-civil War -- 2.6 Understanding Changes in Attitudes toward Women and Work -- 3 Summary and Conclusion -- Chapter 5 Gender and Community -- 1 Kinship -- 2 Organizations -- 2.1 Men's Benevolent and Religious Organizations -- 2.2 Women's Benevolent and Religious Organizations -- 2.3 Youth and Children's Organizations -- 2.4 Political Parties -- 3 Governance and Institutions -- 3.1 Village Governance -- 3.2 The Role of Gender in Secular Governance -- 3.3 Non-governmental Secular Village Institutions -- 3.4 Religious Institutions -- 4 The Internet -- 5 Summary and Conclusion -- Chapter 6 Gender Symbolism in Ritual -- 1 Origins of First Communion in al-Firzul -- 2 First Communion in 1973 -- 3 Post-civil War First Communion Observance -- 4 Weddings in 1972-1973 -- 5 Weddings Post-civil War -- 6 Funerals in the 1970s -- 7 Funerals Post-civil War.

Texts and images in the print media, outdoor advertisements, and on the Internet form the primary source material for this article. The Bush administration and the American media, drawing upon well-worn traditions of representation, contrasted American women and Muslim/Middle Eastern women, American and Middle Eastern male sexuality, and the moral qualities (good versus evil) of American and Middle Eastern people. They used those contrasts to explain 9/11 and legitimize war in Afghanistan and Iraq. 9/11 was simply explained through a contrast between American innocence and Muslim savagery. For Afghanistan, the predominant trope was liberating Afghan women from the Taliban, or white men rescuing brown women from brown men, a story at least as old as the British Raj. The Iraq representations were more complex; both pro-war and anti-war proponents used the same images of suffering Iraqi women and girls, but to different ends: Saddam Hussein was a demon who must be destroyed, or the suffering was caused by sanctions and Western military action. Saddam himself was conflated with Iraq, and images of deviant sexuality were employed. Throughout, American women and girls were portrayed as the right kind of woman: usually white and innocent, or heroic soldiers. In any case, they were free, not oppressed.

The Lebanese Civil War, which lasted from 1975 to 1989, profoundly affected Lebanon's economy, political system, social life, and culture, leaving no part of the country untouched. As a result of the war, many changes in family life took place in 'Ain al-Qasis, a small town in the Biqa' Valley. Age at marriage has risen, and young couples want fewer children. Young women are getting more education, and planning careers. Women approaching midlife aspire to be ladies of the house. Family values are in transition. Class stratification has superseded family networks as a mode of organization, and a variety of social, political, charitable, and religious organizations now fills their benevolent and integrative functions. Some of these trends had begun before the war, but the economic changes entailed by the war were the important factor in creating change.

Changes in household and family structures, activities, norms and values are described for Lebanese immigrants in Nova Scotia. The changes are anchored by reference to old country Lebanese, the first generation immigrants, and the second generation immigrants. It is argued that although acculturation is an important factor in household and family change, so also are the changing activities of kinship structures in a new context.

This article will focus on two important devotions, May (which is dedicated to Mary),1 and Corpus Christi (the Body of Christ) (which locally includes substantial devotion to Mary) in a village in Lebanon's Biqa' Valley. Both of these devotions came from Western Europe, but the Corpus Christi celebration appears to be exclusive to the Zahleh area where the village is located. Women are deeply involved in both of these devotions, thus creating a spiritual space for themselves in an otherwise patriarchal church.