Suchergebnisse

Relatively low and volatile agricultural commodity prices have placed increasing pressure on the state's farm sector in the 1990s. At the same time, an unusually robust non-farm economy has generated significant demand for rural housing and recreational land development. The result has been a dramatic acceleration in the rate of farmland conversion to non- farm uses over the last 15 years. Non-farm growth pressures have affected many other aspects of Wisconsin's urban and rural landscape as well. To help communities grapple with these new challenges, the state legislature passed a new "Smart Growth" law in the fall of 1999 (1999 Wisconsin Act 9). This law encourages municipalities to write and use new "comprehensive plans" to guide all their land use decisions by January 1, 2010. Under the statute, one required element of comprehensive plans will be an assessment of agricultural resources and a plan for their future use or protection. This article assesses the significance of the new Smart Growth legislation for agriculture in Wisconsin. I begin with an overview of trends in farmland loss in the state. Because agricultural planning had a long history in the state even before the Smart Growth law, I examine some of the political and economic challenges of writing and implementing effective land use plans in rural communities. I conclude with a detailed consideration of what the Smart Growth law will require concerning agriculture, and explore some of the ways in which it could impact farms, the general agribusiness economy, land markets, and rural communities in Wisconsin.

I'd like to use my opening comments today to set the stage for the rest of the program. But first, a few words about my background. I'm a sociologist and an economist trained in the dynamics of change in the farm sector. I help direct a research and outreach unit called the Program on Agricultural Technology Studies that tracks the impacts of new technologies and public policies on farm families, and only came to the world of land use planning through the back door. Specifically, as we've worked with farmers across the state in the last five to seven years, land use issues began to come up as an increasingly important part of farmers' lives, both in a positive way and a negative way. As a result, we began to direct some of our program resources to examining that issue. In the last year and a half, I have assumed additional responsibilities as a co-leader of a workteam within UW-Extension that is developing educational programs for local decision-makers concerning agricultural trends and agricultural land use. I'll call your attention to a display in the back of the room that illustrates some Townlevel land use trend data that our team helped collect in the last few years. A number of you may have received copies of our Town Land Use Databooks in recent months. I know we sent them out to a lot of agencies and local government officials. In my comments I will be using some maps and images that are based on those data. Finally, I am a member of the faculty in the Department of Urban and Regional Planning and have become much more familiar with the formal world of planning and zoning through my colleagues there.

Abstract Despite many differences among competing theories of agrarian transformation, all tend to presume that aggregate structural changes are essentially a reflection of changes taking place on individual farms over time. This presumption has been reinforced by a reliance on aggregated county‐level census data or cross‐sectional surveys of individual farm operations, which unfortunately afford few opportunities to test conventional assumptions about the underlying dynamics of the process. Given the large gross flows into and out of the farm sector, this paper examines the question: do aggregate structural changes primarily result from adaptations made on continuing farms, or are they the product of selective entry and exit processes? Data from a panel study of Wisconsin farmers are used to shed light on the micro‐dynamics of structural change. The results suggest that continuing farmers often adapt in ways very different from aggregate trends. They also demonstrate how the character of entry and exit patterns is critical to the structural change process.

In recent years, there has been growing public attention to an apparent decline in the rate at which young people have been entering the Wisconsin farm sector. Interest in farm entry arises from a public policy concern that if too few young people enter farming in the coming decade, the viability of the Wisconsin farm sector in general, and the dairy industry in particular, could be threatened. A number of public and private initiatives to assist beginning farmers have been proposed, and a few programs including subsidized loans and planning for a computerized land-link system to match entering and exiting farmers-were initiated in the first half of 1994 by various agencies of the state government.

SummaryOne of the most consistent findings in social epidemiology is an inverse relationship between indicators of SES and most types of illness. However, a growing body of research on HIV in sub-Saharan Africa suggests an intriguing reversal of this pattern, particularly with respect to HIV among women. In Cameroon, specifically, high-SES women have higher rates of HIV infection compared with low-SES women. Using data from the 2004 Cameroon DHS, this study explored the relationships between SES and HIV and tested a multivariate model designed to highlight the distinctive factors associated with increased risk of HIV among women in different SES classes. The results revealed that high-SES women who reported engaging in riskier sexual behaviour had the highest levels of HIV infection. Surprisingly, among this group increased knowledge of HIV, more domestic decision-making authority and access to health care did not reduce vulnerability. Meanwhile, among low-SES women relative gender inequality was significantly related to HIV risk. Specifically, among this group of women, having a partner with higher education was strongly associated with greater HIV risk. The results suggest that different approaches targeting each sub-group are needed to effectively combat the disease.

We assess the long-term effectiveness of outreach and education efforts associated with a water quality improvement project in a watershed located in northern Utah, USA. Conducted 15 years after the original project began, our research examines the lasting impacts of different extension activities on landowners' motivations to participate and their awareness and understanding of the water quality problem. Data were gathered by reviewing annual project reports, interviewing project staff about outreach and education efforts, and conducting in-depth, semi-structured interviews with a majority of the farmers and ranchers who participated in the project. The findings suggest that landowners were motivated to participate in the programme more by practical farm and household considerations and available cost-share opportunities than by particular environmental concerns. Previous relationships between farmers and government programme staff and one-on-one visits with landowners played an important role in their decisions to participate, while demonstration projects and peer-to-peer social diffusion processes played a much smaller role than expected. Although participants had a good grasp of the project goals, they did not have a strong sense of ownership of the water quality problem. These results suggest that education and outreach approaches centred only on the environmental dimensions of conservation projects may be insufficient to motivate changes in conservation behaviour. The results also suggest that conventional outreach strategies often did not have their presumed impact on landowners.

Considerable efforts have been put into collaborative conservation efforts across the globe. In the western USA, concern about declines of two sage-grouse species (Centrocercus urophasianus and C. minimus) has led to the creation of over 60 collaborative wildlife management partnership groups to develop and implement local sage-grouse management plans. These sage-grouse local working groups (LWGs) share a common goal, information, and policy environment, but were implemented in diverse ways. As a result, they provide a rare opportunity to study systematically the impact of contextual, organizational, institutional and process factors on local collaborative group success. Data from document reviews and an extensive survey of over 700 group participants from 53 sage-grouse LWGs were used to assess the success of this collaborative conservation effort and identify those group attributes that were related to successful implementation and funding of projects. Specifically, external, internal and emergent group characteristics were considered as likely predictors of LWG implementation success. The LWGs varied broadly in their achievements. The presence of a neutral facilitator, participants' feelings of ownership, groups whose local plans had more authority and early-stage group successes were significantly related to implementation success at the group level.

Abstract  Many scholars have commented on the changing significance of farming for understanding the dynamics of social and economic change in contemporary rural America. Quantitative analyses of relationships between farming, local socioeconomic conditions, demographic trends, and policy have often relied on an indicator of "farm‐dependent" (FD) counties developed by the USDA Economic Research Service. In this article, we argue that measures of economic dependency imperfectly identify the places in the United States where farming is significant, and can paint an incomplete picture of the contemporary geographic distribution and structure of agriculture in the United States. We propose an alternative categorical indicator—agricultural importance (AI)—that provides a better direct measure of the relative size and intensity of farming across diverse U.S. counties. We compare the characteristics of FD and AI counties along a set of dimensions and discuss the strengths and weaknesses of each typology.

Medium-sized, diversified, family-labor farms1 have long defined the structure of dairy farming in "America's Dairyland." The red barns, silos, farm houses, and fields of hay, grain, and pasture associated with these operations have given rise to the state's distinctive pastoral landscapes. As family businesses these farms have been successful enough to provide their operators with "middle-class" standards of living. Nationally, in the 20th century, Wisconsin's dairy sector produced more milk and especially more cheese than any other state in the U.S. Among Wisconsin residents, much cultural pride stems from the state's preeminence in dairying — car license plates bear the motto "America's Dairyland," while sports fans are particularly infamous for donning foam "cheeseheads" to identify themselves as from Wisconsin. Over the last 50 years the dairy farm sector in Wisconsin has witnessed considerable changes in the size of their milking herds, use of production technologies and management practices, and mix of livestock and cropping enterprises. Despite these changes, most dairy farm operations have typically remained at a scale such that they are still operated and managed predominantly by farm household members. Indeed, until quite recently, Wisconsin only had a handful of large dairy farms that rely heavily on hired labor. At the same time, it has typically had fewer "very small" dairy farms typical of some other midwestern or southern states. The distinctive character of Wisconsin dairy farming has been attributed to the state's unique political, cultural, and socioeconomic history (Gilbert and Akor, 1986).

Recent opinion polls suggest that farmland preservation is one of the most widely shared goals for local land use planning in Wisconsin. Although the state has long been a leader in the use of tax and zoning policy tools to protect agricultural lands from residential or commercial development, continued high rates of farmland loss have cast doubt on their effectiveness. This paper critically examines statistical evidence for the effectiveness of farmland tax credit and exclusive agricultural zoning policies in Wisconsin. Using data collected at the township level (the local unit of land use decision-making in most counties), and controlling for the influence of other factors, the findings suggest that tax credits and zoning have had very limited success at mediating spatial patterns of farmland loss. Evidence from case studies of town government decision-making is then used to help explain why traditional land use policies have been unimpressive. Among the findings is the fact that local communities often fail to embrace or rigorously enforce land use plans or zoning districts.

Siting noxious facilities, such as community landfills, is a challenging problem for local planners who recognize the importance of economic efficiency and equity, political acceptance, and meeting federal regulatory standards. Meeting these criteria requires technical and socio-economic analyses in conjunction with public input. Planners may also recognize that political acceptance requires compensation for the host community, either in the form of monetary or in-kind transfers. Following Breffle and Rowe [Breffle, W.S., Rowe. R.D., 2002. Comparing choice question formats for evaluating natural resource tradeoffs. Land Econ. 78 (2), 298–314], we use a "resource-to-resource" paired-comparison survey method to estimate compensatory values associated with an in-county landfill for both the host and non-host communities. Our results indicate that while a host-community household's minimum willingness to accept payment for hosting a landfill may exceed a non-host-community household's maximum willingness to pay, a large difference in population sizes between the two communities enables the landfill to pass a Kaldor potential compensation test.