On a plane, a black passenger nervously scrutinizes an Arab-American passenger. In front of a store, a white woman clutches her purse as a black man walks by. In conversation, the topic of race comes up and both people wonder what they are willing to say-and what they are not. Each scenario reveals that how we act and react to each other on a daily basis stems from racial assumptions, biases, and misunderstandings. Some we acknowledge, others we overlook. In the wake of 9/11, confronting race relations in America is as daunting as it is necessary. Race Manners shows us how we can begin a civilized, meaningful dialogue-not with evasive abstractions, but with practicality and candor. Bruce A. Jacobs, a tireless speaker, has traveled the country over the past six years, learning and listening as people reacted to the first edition of this book and told him their own stories. In this newest edition, here is a candid assessment of and guide to improving race relations that offers honest clarity on fear of crime and terrorism, the role of "rage talk media," the problem with tolerance, race in pop music from Elvis to Eminem and beyond, the "N-word," and much more.
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The handling and dispositions of enemy prisoners of war, as a national responsibility, established itself on the front-burner of America's attention span, as a crucial sidebar to the war in Iraq. Controversy has, rightly or wrongly, also characterized American views of the military prison facility at Guantanamo Navy Base in Cuba as a detention center. The widely-publicized events at the U.S.-run Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad focused worldwide attention on how we appeared to be carrying out the responsibility which evolves upon a country with prisoners in its custody.
The first forays into Western criminological theory came in the language of deterrence (Beccaria, 1963 [1764]). The paradigm itself is simple and straightforward, offering an explanation for crime that doubles as a solution (Pratt et al., 2006). Crime occurs when the expected rewards outweigh the anticipated risks, so increasing the risks, at least theoretically, will prevent most crimes in most circumstances. If deterrence describes the perceptual process by which would‐be offenders calculate risks and rewards prior to offending, then deterrability refers to the offender's capacity and/or willingness to perform this calculation. The distinction between deterrence and deterrability is critical to understanding criminality from a utilitarian perspective. However, by attempting to answer "big picture" questions about the likelihood of offending relative to sanction threats, precious little scholarship has attended to the situated meaning of deterrability. This article draws attention to this lacuna in hopes of sensitizing criminology to an area of inquiry that, at present, remains only loosely developed.
Data drawn from semistructured interviews with 40 active street‐level crack dealers are used to illustrate, apply, and expand the concept of restrictive deterrence. The article focuses on the perceptual shorthand dealers use to determine whether buyers in question are "narcs." In presenting this shorthand, the article seeks to demonstrate how interactions among marketplace democratization (i.e., the idea of selling to as many different customers as possible to maximize profits), marketplace volatility, transactional brevity, and threats from law enforcement affect its complexity and refinement. Respondents operated out of a medium‐sized, midwestern metropolitan area (population: 2.2 million) within a central city of 390,000.