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In this ambitious interdisciplinary study, James B. Jacobs provides the first comprehensive review and analysis of America's drunk driving problem and of America's anti-drunk driving policies and jurisprudence. In a clear and accessible style, he considers what has been learned, what is being done, and what constitutional limits exist to the control and enforcement of drunk driving.

Intro -- Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- List of Acronyms -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Organized Crime and Organized Labor -- 3 President's Commission on Organized Crime -- 4 Labor Racketeering in New York City -- 5 Organized Labor's Response to Organized Crime -- 6 Labor Racketeering and the Rank and File -- 7 Attacking Labor Racketeering Prior to Civil RICO (1982) -- 8 Civil RICO Suits and Trusteeships -- 9 The Liberation of IBT Local 560 -- 10 The New York City District Council of Carpenters -- 11 The Four International Unions -- 12 Evaluating Civil RICO -- 13 Concluding Reflections -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.

Few schisms in American life run as deep or as wide as the divide between gun rights and gun control advocates. Awash in sound and symbol, the gun regulation debate has largely been defined by forceful rhetoric rather than substantive action. Politicians shroud themselves in talk ofindividual rights or public safety while lobbyists on both sides make doom-and-gloom pronouncements on the consequences of potential shifts in the status quo.In America today there are between 250 and 300 million firearms in private hands, amounting to one weapon for every American. Two in five American homes house guns. On the one hand, most gun owners are law-abiding citizens who believe they have a constitutional right to bear arms. On the other, agreat many people believe gun control to be our best chance at reducing violent crime. While few--whether gun owner or anti-gun advocate--dispute the need to keep guns out of the wrong hands, the most important question has too often been dodged: What gun control options does the most heavily armeddemocracy in the world have? Can gun control really work?The last decade has seen several watersheds in the debate, none more important than the 1993 Brady Bill. That bill, James B. Jacobs argues, was the culmination of a strategy in place since the 1930s to permit widespread private ownership of guns while curtailing illegal use. But where do we go fromhere? While the Brady background check is easily circumvented, any further attempts to extend gun control--for instance, through comprehensive licensing of all gun owners and registration of all guns--would pose monumental administrative burdens. Jacobs moves beyond easy slogans and broad-brushideology to examine the on-the-ground practicalities of gun control, from mandatory safety locks to outright prohibition and disarmament. Casting aside ideology and abstractions, he cautions

Stateville penitentiary in Illinois has housed some of Chicago's most infamous criminals and was proclaimed to be ""the world's toughest prison"" by Joseph Ragen, Stateville's powerful warden from 1936 to 1961. It shares with Attica, San Quentin, and Jackson the notoriety of being one of the maximum security prisons that has shaped the public's conception of imprisonment. In Stateville James B. Jacobs, a sociologist and legal scholar, presents the first historical examination of a total prison organization-administrators, guards, prisoners, and special interest groups.Jacobs applies Edward Shi

This article calls attention to the tendency of liberal criminologists to mix facts and values when assessing sentencing policies. It argues that an objective methodology for ranking countries with respect to sentencing severity has yet to be developed and urges caution and clarification in making moral criticisms of US sentencing policy and imprisonment rates.

A sociolegal perspective is developed for examining legal change within the US armed forces since WWII. Three trends in the military law are identified: (1) the extension of procedural & substantive rights, (2) a shift of emphasis from criminal to administrative law, & (3) a reemphasis on the contractual nature of military service. A historical analysis of the sources of legal change indicates that neither Congress nor the federal courts have served as important change agents. Change has occurred because of more indirect impacts of civilian legal trends on military personnel & military lawyers & decision-makers. While the limits of the extension of rights may now have been reached, the movement toward a more contractual relationship between the service person & the military remains strong. 1 Table. AA.