Suchergebnisse

Popular and professional wisdom argues that rapid social change results in a search for genealogical roots. Indeed, interest in genealogy followed the industrial revolution of the nineteeth century, World War I, and World War I. The same notion can be applied to the individual level. Individuals who experience social dislocation such as geographical or social class mobility, it is posited, would be more interested in genealogy than those who do not experience such changes. Family size or changes in family size from one generation to another and birth order may also be related to interest in the study of one's genealogical roots. Finally, ethnicity may be related to genealogical interest. To test these hypotheses, a sample of genealogists and a sample of other hobbyists were compared. Information about their geographical and social backgrounds and a variety of other topics was obtained in a survey. In general, the social dislocation hypotheses are not supported. Stayers rather than movers, and older immigrant groups rather than new immigrant groups show interest in their genealogical roots.

Despite the decade-long debate in the media and in the social science literature over affirmative action programs, relatively little information has appeared about attitudes toward these programs. In this article racial threat or self-interest, new symbolic racism, and old-fashioned racism are examined as predictors of attitudes about affirmative action programs. The data are from a national survey conducted in the late fall of 1978 by Louis Harris and Associates for the National Conference of Christians and Jews. Self-interest, new symbolic racism, and old-fashioned racism are all found to be related to attitudes about affirmative action programs and remain so when a variety of control variables are included in the regression analyses. The new racism scale was clearly the best predictor of attitudes about affirmative action programs but is shown to have many underpinnings from traditional sources of racism. Possible reasons for the effect of self-interest on attitudes about affirmative action programs that had not been related to racial attitudes in earlier studies are discussed.

Based on data from a 1978 national poll conducted by Louis Harris and Associates for the National Conference of Christians and Jews. Examines racial threat or self interest, new symbolic racism, and old-fashioned racism as predicators of attitudes about affirmative action programs.

Internal colonialism & dual labor markets have increasingly been used to describe black, Mexican-American, & Indian-American conditions in the US, but no one has systematically examined the history of Indian labor in the US to document labor exploitation aspects of colonialism. Presented here is a brief history of Indian labor from 1871, the end of the treaty-making period, to WWII. The theory of internal colonialism is discussed briefly in light of the materials presented. 2 Tables, 43 References. HA.

Two theoretical models make contradictory predictions about attitudinal reactions to dramatic events in society that affect race relations. The proximity-resistance model predicts increased resistance, affected by important events that favor blacks, from whites. This model also predicts lessened hostility when the events favor whites. The social-adjustment model, on the other hand, predicts that the people most affected by ongoing events will change their attitudes toward consistency with the expected changes. These two models are tested in an examination of public reactions to the Bakke decision on affirmative action programs. Data collected in national surveys by the Louis Harris polling organization in 1976 and in 1978 after the well-known Bakke case are used to examine attitudinal changes by specific demographic groups—those least and those most affected by the changes. The results are interpreted as supporting, in general, the social-adjustment model.

This book reveals the history and culture of polygamous groups located primarily in the western parts of the United States. The contributors to this volume are historians, anthropologists, and sociologists familiar with the various groups. Together, these authors provide a much needed understanding of the surprisingly large number of groups and individuals who live a quiet polygamous life style in the United States.

Using census data, we compare patterns of interracial marriage in six different contexts where immigration has played a central role in population composition. We use Kalmijn's (1998) general theoretical perspective that emphasizes how opportunity structures and third-party factors affect inter-group marriage rates. More specifically, we hypothesize that rates of intermarriage are influenced by: (1) structural opportunities as reflected by the history of inequality, segregation, and racial oppression, (2) third-party interests such as cultural and linguistic differences, and (3) societal trends that reflect choices in the formation of intimate relationships and racial equality. We use age as a surrogate for the trends over time. We first estimate log-linear models to gauge the extent of overall homogamy and race specific homogamy in each cultural setting. We then use multinomial logistic regression to evaluate age differences. Cross- cultural differences in rates of intermarriage are substantial. Intermarriage is more common in societies where structural opportunities for contact are high and third-party interests low (Hawaii and New Zealand), almost non-existent among some groups in societies where the strong inter-group tensions remain, (Xinjiang Province, China and South Africa), and intermediate in societies with moderate degrees of opportunities and third-party interests (United States and Canada). Age is generally negatively associated with intermarriage, with some interesting exceptions. Interracial marriage in general is becoming more common in the arenas we examine.

For a variety of reasons, there is little systematic evidence about African American attitudes about interracial marriage. National data are often sparse or not available, and they are often dated. Using a Year 2000 nationally representative poll from The New York Times, we analyze African American approval of interracial marriage. The sample comprised 934 African Americans. Eighty-five percent say they approve of interracial marriage. Education, sex, age, and region are significantly related to approval in the bivariate analyses. Analysis of the amount of contact or friendship African Americans have with Whites appears to be a critical variable affecting attitudes about intergroup marriage; the effects of most of the other variables become nonsignificant when friendship is included in the analysis.