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Existing scholarship on vigilantism focuses on explaining factors that push citizens into the streets to take the law into their own hands. This article complements these theories by examining fear of reprisals that can keep vigilantes off the streets. It argues that vigilantism becomes
rife when vigilantes find a systematic way to collude with state officials to obtain impunity. Qualitative data from Indonesia illustrate how street-level policemen grant selective impunity for vigilantism to gain public support for dispensing their more pressing duties. Contrary to conventional
wisdom that links state-building to a decline in vigilantism, analysis of a sub-national dataset of 33,262 victims of vigilantism in Indonesia shows that a rapid expansion of the state's coercive presence is associated with higher levels of vigilante violence.

AbstractThe last decade has witnessed an extraordinary spate of scholarship on the ethno-communal violence that swept through Indonesia following the collapse of the Suharto regime. Yet we know very little about how these large-scale violent conflicts subsided and the patterns of post-conflict violence that have emerged since. We introduce evidence from an original dataset to show that the high violence period lasted till 2003, after which violence declined in intensity and scale. Despite this aggregate decline, we find that old conflict sites still exhibit relatively high levels of small-scale violence. We conclude that Indonesia has moved to a new, post-conflict phase where large-scale violence is infrequent, yet small-scale violence remains unabated, often taking on new forms. Finally, we propose that effective internal security interventions by the state are a key reason, although not the only reason, why large-scale violence has not emerged again despite the continued prevalence of low-level violence.

Since the end of Suharto's so-called New Order (1966-1998) in Indonesia and the eruption of vicious group violence, a number of questions have engaged the minds of scholars and other observers. How widespread is the group violence? What forms—ethnic, religious, economic—has it primarily taken? Have the clashes of the post-Suharto years been significantly more widespread, or worse, than those of the late New Order? The authors of Collective Violence in Indonesia trenchantly address these questions, shedding new light on trends in the country and assessing how they compare with broad patterns identified in Asia and Africa

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Tables and figures -- Contributors -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Glossary -- 1 The decline of Indonesian democracy -- Part 1 Historical and Comparative Perspectives -- 2 Indonesia's democracy in a comparative perspective -- 3 Indonesia's tenuous democratic success and survival -- Part 2 Polarisation and Populism -- 4 How polarised is Indonesia and why does it matter? -- 5 Divided Muslims: militant pluralism, polarisation and democratic backsliding -- 6 Is populism a threat to Indonesian democracy? -- 7 Islamic populism and Indonesia's illiberal democracy -- Part 3 Popular Support for Democracy -- 8 Electoral losers, democratic support and authoritarian nostalgia -- 9 How popular conceptions of democracy shape democratic support in Indonesia -- Part 4 Democratic Institutions -- 10 Indonesian parties revisited: systemic exclusivism, electoral personalisation and declining intraparty democracy -- 11 The media and democratic decline -- 12 The economic dimensions of Indonesia's democratic quality: a subnational approach1 -- 13 A state of surveillance? Freedom of expression under the Jokowi presidency -- Part 5 Law, Security and Disorder -- 14 Assailing accountability: law enforcement politicisation, partisan coercion and executive aggrandisement under the Jokowi administration -- 15 In the state's stead? Vigilantism and policing of religious offence in Indonesia -- 16 Rumour, identity and violence in contemporary Indonesia: evidence from elections in West Kalimantan -- 17 Electoral violence in Indonesia 20 years after reformasi -- Index