The primacy of political settlements on democracy promotion -- The political-military organizations and the emergence of mass-based grassroots organizations -- Political settlements and the re-configuration of civic and political life -- Foreign donor assistance and the political economy of settlement outcomes -- Beyond professionalization : foreign aid and transformation of the women's sectors -- Hamas after electoral victory : Fatah and the western donor community respond -- Conclusion : non-inclusive settlements and democracy's long haul in comparative perspective -- Appendix I: Interviews -- Appendix II: Foreign donors.
Since 9/11, a number of scholars added gender as a new variable to explain how economic, political, and/or social developments in the Middle East have diverged from developments elsewhere. These studies relied almost exclusively on statistical analysis and frequently discounted much of the extant literature, especially the more feminist and historically sensitive and in-depth qualitative works on the subject matter. Almost uniformly, the point of departure for many of these works was the disempowered socioeconomic and/or political status of Arab/Muslim women. Most of the scholars of these works had no gender expertise and had never written on women previously. Regardless, these works spawned an important discussion in the field of comparative politics and their scholarly impact has been noteworthy. Such scholarship, however, is not benign. Accordingly, this article seeks to answer two critical questions: How does the work of non-gender specialists of Middle East and North Africa (MENA) come to have such a significant impact on the study of women and politics in the field of comparative politics? How can we approach these research inquiries differently so that expertise, lived realities, and history matter? The article argues that feminist international relations could serve as a critical corrective to this current trajectory of comparative politics research. This corrective also requires a commitment to feminist scholarship that begins with women's lives and seeks to eliminate gender inequality, as well as greater understanding of the composition and changing structure of our disciplinary communities.
The local population of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) constitutes less than 11.5 percent of the total population. In response to their growing numerical minority status, many Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, including the UAE, have become more stringent about their citizenship, nationality, and employment policies. The natural questions to follow are: Why have UAE nationality and citizenship laws diverged from the anticipated "opening" of nationality and citizenship policies that some assumed would accompany globalization? In the specific context of the UAE, what factors have shaped and changed these policies over time?
Since 1991, Western bilateral and multilateral democracy promotion assistance, especially for civil society development, has increased dramatically. Much of the literature that assesses the impact of this assistance has focused on either direct recipients in civil society or macro transformations, with minimal systematic analysis of how developments in civil society unfold. This article argues that political settlements shape the impact of Western civil society building initiatives. The inclusivity of political settlements can determine who receives funding and who does not and also influences the representativeness of political institutions. In contexts with noninclusive political settlements, where certain groups are excluded from the settlement and the settlement enjoys minimal support, democracy promotion efforts are more likely to exacerbate polarization, thereby weakening the quality of civil society. Examining the women's sector of civil society in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, this article illustrates the primacy of political settlements and the limitations of civil society building in contexts where certain actors are excluded from the onset. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]
Since 1991, Western bilateral and multilateral democracy promotion assistance, especially for civil society development, has increased dramatically. Much of the literature that assesses the impact of this assistance has focused on either direct recipients in civil society or macro transformations, with minimal systematic analysis of how developments in civil society unfold. This article argues that political settlements shape the impact of Western civil society building initiatives. The inclusivity of political settlements can determine who receives funding and who does not and also influences the representativeness of political institutions. In contexts with noninclusive political settlements, where certain groups are excluded from the settlement and the settlement enjoys minimal support, democracy promotion efforts are more likely to exacerbate polarization, thereby weakening the quality of civil society. Examining the women's sector of civil society in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, this article illustrates the primacy of political settlements and the limitations of civil society building in contexts where certain actors are excluded from the onset.
