Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this study is to investigate the implementation of the implemen- tation of the Land Procurement for Development for Public Interest under Law No. 2 of 2012 on Land Procurement for Development in the Public Interest, which previously only regulated through Presidential Regulation No. 36 Year 2005 on Land Procurement for Development Public Interest as amended by Presidential Decree No. 65 of 2006 and Regulation implementation, the new law is more balance between the interests of government and the interests of society. Methods The approach used in this thesis that the juridical empirical research methods and specifications used in this research is descriptive analy- tic. Data collection research using primary data collection and secondary data. Analysis technique is qualitative descriptive. From the research that has been done shows that the implementation of the Implementation of Land Procure- ment for Development for Public Interest under Law No. 2 of 2012 have not been effectively implemented, due tofrequent change-unlike its implementing regulations stipulated in Presidential Regulation and the Regulation of the Minister of Agrarian and Spatial I Head of the National Land Agency

A wave of regional autonomy in Indonesia, which led to the enactment of Law Number 23 of 2004 concerning Local Government and Government Regulation Number 78 of 2007 actually, in principle, as a correction of the weaknesses of Law Number 22 of 1999 and Government Regulation No. 129 of 2000 by tightening the requirements regional expansion. But in its implementation, the Government Regulation Number. 78 of 2007 is not effective, due to the politicization of interest. Legal product is basically a political product, but many aspects people interest must necessarily remain the main spirit of the laws themselves. For the essential decentralization and regional autonomy are to the welfare of the community, shortening the span of control, and improve public services

Business ethics is a study of true or false moral. People doing business aims to findas much profit as possible, even using unethical means. The conventional classic economiclaw controls the capital as small as possible and dredge profits as good as possible. Thusmaking the business people to justify everything. It's no surprise that business people donot pay attention to social responsibility and business ethics. This research aims to knowthe Islamic business and to know the attitudes of the traders in the market Manaqibalready in accordance with Islamic business ethics. Research is done by collecting datafrom a variety of sources: books, magazines, journals or other writings and is supported by direct observation or observation and interviews and then then Symbolisions. The methodused in this research is a descriptive method with a normative juridical approach. Anormative juridical approach is an approach made based on key legal materials byexamining theories, concepts, principles of law and legislation. From the results of theresearch found that traders understand the ethical selling good by offering goods in anhonest, trustworthy, polite, and do not conceal the defective goods. When it is stored byother merchants they keep it well. Traders are traders who are ethics of Islamic business,because almost all traders in the market Manaqib have applied the foundations of Islamicbusiness ethics on the implementation of its businesses

Press freedom is a necessity in a democracy. The Press Institution as one of the pillars of democracy has a major role in translating the value of freedom of expression, obtaining valid information and providing access to reliable information as well as efforts to unite the nation. The era of Indonesian democracy opened the tap for press freedom which had a positive impact but also had a negative impact. The amount of information in the digital era that is conveyed to the public is not all information whose truth is beyond doubt, but there is also information that contains false news, what is more, worrying is that it is the press agency that spreads the fake news. In the process of handling press cases, there are special regulations regulated in the Press Law, where the handling is very different from the handling of other crimes, including the criminal responsibility process which is also different from other crimes. Therefore, there is a need for an understanding of law enforcers in handling press cases in Indonesia and the need for an understanding of who can be held accountable for criminal acts in the press who spread false news.Kebebasan Pers menjadi sebuah keniscayaan dalam negara demokrasi. Lembaga Pers sebagai salahsatu pilar demokrasi mempunya peranan besar dalam menterjemahkan nilai kebebasan berpendapat, mendapatkan informasi yang valid dan memberikan akses informasi yang terpercaya serta upaya untuk mempersatukan bangsa. Era demokrasi Indonesia membuka keran kebebasan pers yang punya dampak positif, namun juga punya dampak negatif. Banyaknya informasi di era digital yang disampaikan kepada masayarakat tidak semua informasi yang kebenarannya tidak diragukan lagi, namun ada juga informasi yang mengandung berita bohong, yang lebih menghawatirkan adalah yang menyebarkan berita bohong tersebut adalah Lembaga pers. Dalam proses penanganan perkara pers, terdapat regulasi yang khusus yang diatur dalam UU Pers, dimana penangananya sangat berbeda dengan penanganan kejahatan lain termasuk proses pertanggung jawaban pidaananya juga berbeda dengan tindak pidana lain. Olehkarenanya perlunya pemahaman para penegak hukum dalam menangani kasus pers di Indonesia serta perlunya pemahaman mengenai siapa yang dapat mempertanggungjawabkan perbuatan pidana pada Pers yang menyebarkan berita bohong.

Democracy has an important meaning in a state principle which in fact in its implementation has differences from each country that adheres to it. This fundamental democratic idea provides a new concept of the rule of law in which there are principles of the rule of law. Democracy and human rights are requirements for the implementation of the rule of law, democracy and the protection of human rights can be said to be access to democratization which guarantees all forms of political freedom. Not only freedom in terms of politics, freedom of opinion and expression today is also a basic right that in essence must be given to all human beings in a democratic country. All forms of freedom of opinion that are owned by individuals and/or legal entities as legal subjects in the life of society, nation and state require guarantees for freedom of assembly, association and expression as described in Law Number 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights. Protection and guarantees for these freedoms are needed in the practice of demonstrations, as a movement to express opinions in public in the form of dynamic dialogue and political suppression efforts with the aim of advancing people's way of thinking towards a democratic state. This paper analyzes the juridical review of freedom of expression in public carried out by a group of demonstrators as a guarantee of the rights of every Indonesian citizen, which is then linked to Law Number 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights. In the results of the analysis, the practice still needs a lot of evaluation in terms of supervision which should be more stringent through coordination related to human rights enforcement, especially in terms of expression. There is a guarantee of freedom to interact without being limited by undemocratic political policies and there must be continued advocacy regarding the importance of upholding human rights and the tolerant attitude of the community towards everyone's freedom of expression.Demokrasi memiliki arti penting dalam sebuah asas kenegaraan yang nyatanya dalam pelaksanaannya memiliki perbedaan dari setiap negara yang menganutnya. Gagasan demokrasi yang bersifat fundamental ini memberikan konsep baru mengenai negara hukum yang didalamnya terdapat prinsip negara hukum. Demokrasi dan HAM merupakan persyaratan bagi penyelenggaraan negara hukum, demokrasi dan perlindungan HAM dapat dikatakan merupakan akses adanya demokratisasi yang menjamin segala bentuk kebebasan politik. Tidak hanya kebebasan dalam hal politik, kebebasan dalam berpendapat dan berekspresi dewasa ini juga merupakan hak dasar yang pada hakikatnya harus diberikan kepada seluruh insan negara demokratis. Segala bentuk kebebasan berpendapat yang dimiliki orang dan/atau badan hukum sebagai subjek hukum dalam hidup bermasyarakat, berbangsa, dan bernegara diperlukan adanya jaminan atas kebebasan berkumpul, berserikat dan menyatakan pendapat sebagaimana dijelaskan dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 39 Tahun 1999 tentang Hak Asasi Manusia. Perlindungan serta jaminan atas kebebasan tersebut diperlukan dalam praktik demontrasi, sebagai gerakan menyatakan pendapat di muka umum dengan bentuk dialog dinamis dan upaya penekanan secara politik dengan tujuan kemajuan cara berpikir masyarakat menuju negara yang demokratis. Tulisan ini menganalisis tinjauan secara yuridis mengenai kebebasan berpendapat di muka umum yang dilakukan oleh sekelompok demonstran sebagai jaminan hak setiap warga negara Indonesia, yang kemudian dihubungkan dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 39 Tahun 1999 tentang Hak Asasi Manusia. Pada hasil analisis, praktiknya masih perlu banyak evaluasi dalam hal pengawasan yang seharusnya dapat lebih ketat melalui koordinasi terkait penegakkan HAM khususnya dalam hal berekpresi. Adanya jaminan kebebasan berinteraksi tanpa di batasi oleh kebijakan politik yang tidak demokratis dan harus terus dilakukan advokasi mengenai pentingnya penegakkan HAM dan sikap toleran masyarakat terhadap kebebasan berekspresi setiap orang.

Child protection law is a state policy in guaranteeing the rights and obligations of the child itself, both regulated in private law and in public law and formal law in the sense of the process of enforcing the protection of the child. Child protection is an effort to maintain children's human rights so that they can continue to grow and develop into the hope and successor of the nation and state. Legal protection for victims is an obligation of the state and society that must be sought, be it government institutions, be it the police or child protection institutions or the community itself. This study aims to find out how to realize legal protection for child victims of sexual violence, to find out the obstacles faced in implementing legal protection and to find out what efforts are being made to overcome obstacles in the legal protection process for victims of child abuse so that justice and legal certainty fully implemented. This research was conducted using descriptive analysis method, namely providing researched data about the condition of the object under study, namely victims of sexual violence associated with statutory regulations, and normative juridical methods. The data obtained from library research is supported by field research, namely conducting interviews, then analyzed qualitatively. This research was conducted at Komnas Perempuan, the Center for Integrated Protection for the Empowerment of Women and Children (P2TP2A), and the Institute for Child Rights Advocacy (LAHA), the Indonesian National Commission for Child Protection. Based on the results of the study, it was concluded that legal protection for child victims of underage sexual abuse has not been fully realized because there are still children who have not received the rights regulated by law. Such as the rehabilitation process and getting the progress of the case and the resolution of the case. Constraints faced are obstacles regarding legal protection for child victims of sexual violence, namely legal protection for child victims of ...

Introduction to The Problem: One of the most important functions of political parties in a representative democracy is to recruit or select candidates for public officials. One of which is the selection of legislative candidates. Through this function, political parties will determine whether a person has the quality and capacity to be a member of representative and carry out his role well. Article 241 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections mandates that political parties in selecting candidates must be democratically and openly. But, the criteria of democratic selection is not rigidly regulated because they are fully submitted to be regulated in the internal regulations of political parties.Purpose/Objective Study: This article aims to analyze the urgency of the process of selecting legislative prospective candidate democratically and to find several parameters for the democratic selection of legislative prospective candidate.Design/Methodology/Approach: This is a normative legal research. The research sources consist of primary law and secondary law. It will also use non-legal material sources. Data collection is carried out through literature study.Findings: The results of the research are: First, the urgency of the selection of candidates to be democratically because this mechanism promises some benefits for the societies, political parties, and the quality of democracy in general, i.e: The democratic process of selecting candidates is directly proportional to the satisfaction of the wider community towards the democratic system itself; and tending to produce competent and desired candidates by the public, as well as adopting more responsive policies. Second, the parameters or indicators that can be used as guidelines to determine the democratic selection of candidates will consist of 4 (four) indicators, that are: (1) Candidacy; (2) Selectorates; (3) The level of centralization/ decentralization of selection; and (4) How are candidates nominated?Paper Type: Research Article

The constitutional court through its decision No. 42 / PUU-XIII / 2015 states that all ex-convicts may run in elections as long as their political rights are not revoked by the court. They are only required to honestly and openly announce to the public about their convict status. according to the Court, the limitation and even revocation of the political rights of ex-convicts must not be carried out by lawmakers through legislation instruments but must be with a court decision as regulated in Article 35 paragraph (1) number 3 of the Criminal Code. This decision is not entirely correct for two reasons. First, Indonesia as a country that adheres to a continental European legal system (civil law system), the law has a higher position as a source of law (primary sources of law). Whereas the court's decision only as one of the secondary sources of law. Second, the conflict between the Election Law and the Criminal Code should be resolved according to the lex specialis derogat legi generalist principle. Thus, the prohibition for ex-convicts to run for the election as regulated in the Election Law should be interpreted as a specialist regulation so that it can override the provisions contained in the Criminal Code.

The development of the sharia economy in Indonesia as the country with the largest Muslim population in the world is also inseparable from the development of the Islamic economy in the world, especially those from neighboring Malaysia. Starting in the 1993s marked by the establishment of the first Islamic bank, Bank Muamalat until now its growth continues to be encouraging. Economic and financial institutions as well as educational institutions that examine sharia values as the basis have made a positive contribution to sharia economic growth. Regarding the growth of the Islamic economy in Indonesia, it is very interesting to study how its positioning or existence is in the Indonesian legal, political and economic system. This paper examines this relationship in order to get a conclusion of its compatibility with the economic system that we adhere to with a qualitative approach to literature study. The results of this study find that Islamic Economics and Pancasila Economics are both inseparable because they have high compatibility. Normatively, the objectives of the Pancasila Economy which are marked by Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution have the same principle in Islamic economics, namely the principles of gaining falah, socio-economic justice and equity and prosperity. The implication of this study is that Islam and Pancasila, especially in the economic field, cannot be separated.

The implementation of direct local election has become important part of Indonesian society. This election is achievement of the reform. The public can finally vote for their head of the region (the local leaders) based on their own aspiration. The mechanism of this local election is somehow facing pro and contra between direct and indirect. It is considering the positive and negative impacts of the mechanism. The positive impact is to provide an opportunity for proposing their own people of the region to be candidate. This opportunity as a constitutional right of citizen regardless of race, ethnicity, and religion. Other results that there are number of regions are developed since this direct election able to produce several local leaders who are innovative and creative in developing their regions. In contrary, not few of the regional head are entangled with corruption cases. This is caused by the high cost of politics to achieve the seat of that regional head andco-head of the region. In addition, the cost to run the local election is also extremely expensive. Besides the local election socially triggers the horizontal conflict especially among the regional elites and its supporters. Different from the indirect local election that the cost is less. However,its has shortcoming that the regional head electedare not directly reflecting the aspirations of its people.

AbstrakSecara historis, undang-undang di bidang pemilu legislatif (DPR, DPD, dan DPRD) dan pemilu eksekutif (Presiden dan wakil Presiden, Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah) pernah mengatur tentang larangan bagi mantan narapidana yang pernah dijatuhi pidana penjara berdasarkan putusan pengadilan yang telah memperoleh kekuatan hukum tetap karena melakukan tindak pidana yang diancam dengan pidana penjara paling lama 5 (lima) tahun atau lebih, mencalonkankan diri dalam Pemilihan umum. Namun sejak adanya Putusan Mahkamah KonstitusiNomor 42/PUU-XIII/2015, ketentuan tersebut dinyatakan bertentangan dengan UUD 1945 secara bersyarat (conditionally unconstitusional) sepanjang tidak dimaknai dikecualikan bagi mantan terpidana yang secara terbuka dan jujur mengemukakan kepada publik bahwa yang bersangkutan adalah mantan terpidana. Putusan MK ini lalu kemudian ditindaklanjuti dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilu. Namun demikian, sekalipun sudah ada putusan MK yang membolehkan mantan narapidana mencalonkan diri dalam pemilu dengan syarat-syarat tertentu, tidak menyebabkan surutnya keinginan publik untuk tetap melarang mantan napi ikut kontestasi pemilu. Aspirasi inilah yang kemudian ditindaklanjuti oleh KPU dengan mengeluarkan Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum (PKPU) Nomor 20 Tahun 2018 tentang Pencalonan Anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi, Kabupaten dan Kota dan PKPU Nomor 14 Tahun 2018 tentang Pencalonan Anggota DPD. Pada intinya, kedua PKPU ini melarangmantan terpidana bandar narkoba, kejahatan seksual terhadap anak, atau korupsi mencalonkan diri dalam pemilu 2019. Walaupun, pada akhirnya PKPU tersebut dibatalkan oleh Mahkamah Agung (MA) karena dianggap bertentangan dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang lebih tinggi. Pertanyaan besarnya adalah, apa sebenarnya yang melatarbelakangi pembentuk UU melarang mantan napi ikut berkontestasi dalam pemilu? Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa aspek filosofis yang melartarbelakangi munculnya ketentuan larangan tersebut adalah adanya keinginan agar orang-orang yang akan dipilih adalah orang yang berkompeten, berkualitas dan mempunyai moral yang baik sehingga pemilu diharapkan mampu menjaring pemimpin-pemimpin yang baik dan mempunyai integritas kepemimpinan yang tinggi, memiliki integritas dan kapabilitas moral yang memadai, bersih, berwibawa, dan jujur sehingga mendapatkan kepercayaan dari masyarakat, dan pada gilirannya dapat menciptakan stabilitas kepemimpinan. Kata Kunci: Politik Hukum, Hak Politik, dan Mantan Narapidana.

Par la loi de 1982 sur la décentralisation des services archéologiques, permettant une délégation des compétences scientifiques et juridiques, l'État a clairement affirmé sa volonté d'assumer son rôle dans la protection des vestiges archéologiques et la valorisation du patrimoine national. De ce fait, et en particulier depuis la reforme du texte de 2003 sur l'archéologie préventive, les services archéologiques sont majoritairement des structures d'archéologie préventive décentralisées de la fonction publique et représentent des institutions productives sur l'ensemble de la chaîne opératoire archéologique. L'étude de ces services est une opportunité rare d'observer les différents organismes de l'archéologie française d'un point de vue juridique et politique, ce dans le cadre d'entités locales, ainsi que leur fonctionnement, leurs missions et leurs moyens au service de la préservation, de l'étude et de la valorisation du patrimoine archéologique en France.

Par la loi de 1982 sur la décentralisation des services archéologiques, permettant une délégation des compétences scientifiques et juridiques, l'État a clairement affirmé sa volonté d'assumer son rôle dans la protection des vestiges archéologiques et la valorisation du patrimoine national. De ce fait, et en particulier depuis la reforme du texte de 2003 sur l'archéologie préventive, les services archéologiques sont majoritairement des structures d'archéologie préventive décentralisées de la fonction publique et représentent des institutions productives sur l'ensemble de la chaîne opératoire archéologique. L'étude de ces services est une opportunité rare d'observer les différents organismes de l'archéologie française d'un point de vue juridique et politique, ce dans le cadre d'entités locales, ainsi que leur fonctionnement, leurs missions et leurs moyens au service de la préservation, de l'étude et de la valorisation du patrimoine archéologique en France.

Democratization character was developed with a new paradigm about involvement of students in the learning process, that is not only active in the learning process, but they are also given the opportunity to determine the learning activities they will do, together with their teachers who have all the forms of a positive relation between the perception of the character with learning results of students. Character education priorities embedded in school of MAN 2 Kandangan reflected in the learning process applied by civics teacher who strongly supports the establishment of a democracy character. The purpose or this reseacrh are : (1) to describe character of student in democracy in MAN 2 Kandangan; (2) to know civics learning results in MAN 2 Kandangan; and (3) to know relation between democracy character and civics learning results in MAN 2 Kandangan.Research method using quantitative descriptive approach with colleration method. The research population wa all students of the class. Population in this research were students of class X and XI of MAN 2 Kandangan which amounts to 372 are 181 smples. Collection data using questionnaires. Data analysis with colleration using Pearson Product Moment formula with SPSS version 16.The results of this research show that: (1) democracy character of the civics in school of MAN 2 Kandangan quite well, and high, where students uphold democracy character well in envirinment of school and society; (2) civics learning result in MAN 2 Kandangan quite well with the average 75,98; and (3) Be found a relation between democracy character and civics learning results in MAN 2 Kandangan where based on test resultsr calculated (0,396) > r table (0,148). So, it can be concluded that colleration coefficient for 0,396 is significant, which means that be found a relation between the variable X (democracy character) and the variable Y (civics learning results).Keywords: Relation, Demokracy Character, Civics, Learning Results