Suchergebnisse

Using the concepts of affective community (Ahmed 2015; Hutchison 2016) and affective management of "war heritage" (Logan and Reeves 2009; Gegner and Ziino 2012; Lončar 2014; Stublić 2019), the article examines how social subjects in Western Slavonia – a microlocation with many places of memory and a dense accumulation of historical traumas within them – are constructed as resisting and/or conforming to the dominant hegemonic policy of remembering the Homeland War as the "cornerstone of reasoning" in Croatia (Blanuša 2017). The examples analysed range from the activities of a local "memory agent" and the founder of a digital archive of local history to the reception of a book of testimonies and a documentary on the humanity of Pakrac's medics in the war (Lessons on Humanity, 2017 and 2019). Based on these examples, I identified different strategies of cultural, pedagogical and ideological re-presentation and re-animation of local war heritage in the social and digital environment. These strategies are different responses to the fear that the feeling of social connection to war events and veterans as symbols of national unity and pride has been ebbing away. However, there has also been a noticeable shift on the Croatian (semi-)periphery from a ceremonial commemorative culture to a digital culture of memory of war, fostered by affective communities which transcend local, ethnic and generational boundaries. The second shift is semantic – the tendency to replace victimological and triumphalist war narratives with those of "humanitarian heroism" and positive war stories about humanity, about helping and rescuing people from the "enemy side". In conclusion, even though the Croatian "social framework of memory" (Halbwachs 2013) offers different models for transforming fear, pain, violence and the trauma of war into "cultural heritage", only individuals remember and feel, and very few among them become memory agents and activists of "mnemonic resistance" (Molden 2016) with a significant role in the struggles over the meaning of the past. ; Uz pomoć pojmova afektivne zajednice (Ahmed 2015; Hutchison 2016) i afektivnog upravljanja baštinom rata (Logan i Reeves 2009; Gegner i Ziino 2012; Lončar 2014; Stublić 2019), rad propituje kako se na prostoru zapadne Slavonije – mikrolokaciji s mnoštvom mjesta sjećanja i gustom sedimentacijom povijesnih trauma u njima – oblikuju društveni subjekti u otporu i/ili suglasju s dominantom hegemonijskom politikom pamćenja Domovinskog rata kao "okosnicom svakog prosuđivanja" (Blanuša 2017) vrednota u hrvatskom društvu. Analizirani primjeri uključuju aktivnosti lokalnog kreatora kulturnog sjećanja (engl. memory agent) i utemeljitelja digitalnog arhiva lokalne povijesti te recepciju knjige svjedočenja i dokumentarni film o humanosti pakračkih medicinara u ratu (Pouke o čovječnosti, 2017 i 2019). Uz pomoć ovih primjera ukazala sam na različite strategije kulturalne, pedagoške i ideološke re-prezentacije te re-animacije lokalne baštine rata u socijalnom i digitalnom okružju kao različite odgovore na bojazan da slabi osjećaj društvene povezanosti s ratnim događajima i braniteljima kao simbolima nacionalnog jedinstva i ponosa. Međutim, pokazalo se da je i na hrvatskoj (polu)periferiji zamjetan pomak od ceremonijalne komemorativne kulture prema digitalnoj kulturi sjećanja na rat koju njeguju afektivne zajednice koje nadilaze lokalne, etničke i generacijske granice. Drugi pomak je semantički – težnja da se viktimološke i trijumfalističke ratne naracije zamijene onima o "humanitarnom herojstvu" i pozitivnim ratnim pričama o čovječnosti, o pomaganju i spašavanju pripadnika "neprijateljske strane". Zaključak analize glasi da premda hrvatski "društveni okvir pamćenja" (Halbwachs 2013) nudi različite modele za preradu straha, boli, nasilja i traume rata u "kulturnu baštinu", samo se pojedinci sjećaju i osjećaju, a vrlo mali broj njih postaju kreatori kulturnog sjećanja i subjekti "mnemoničkog otpora" (Molden 2016) sa značajnijom ulogom u borbama oko značenja prošlosti.

The aim of this paper is to combine an analysis of performative and Internet genres where traditional humor genres (jokes, irony, satire) at the expense of the Croatia's first woman president, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, are semiotically transformed in novel ways. Although several women in Croatia held high political offices since 1991, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović's campaign and later victory caused an avalanche of derisive weblore that calls for an interdisciplinary approach. A special challenge for folklorists is to grasp the transgressive nature of humor and satire, i.e., the transgression of cultural, moral and political norms in different discourses – from humorous political activism to satirical "provocation". The author analyzes the terms "non-offensive" and "offensive" humor (from practical to rough jokes and "stupid clips"), the public and counterpublics, popular and vernacular culture in the digital age, as well as folklore attributes that characterize humorous genres: esthetic nature, transgressive quality and the element of play. The folklorist approach is complemented by a feminist analysis of the sociocultural, political and gender characteristics of selected humorous genres (particularly stand-up performance), based in the undermining of the binary gender categories. The abundance of weblore which targets the public persona and the physical appearance of Croatia's woman president can thus be interpreted as signaling: a) the end of authoritarian regimes and politicians; b) a rise in the digital counterpublics which ideologically undermines the matrifocal nationalist and conservative worldview and c) a neoliberal contradiction whereby the feminization of a (devalued) political sphere goes hand in hand with a strengthening of conservative, racist and homophobic forces in society. ; Namjera je ovog rada ponuditi analizu pojedinih performativnih i internetskih žanrova u kojima se na nov način semiotički transferiraju tradicijski humorni žanrovi (šala, ironija, satira) na račun prve hrvatske predsjednice Kolinde Grabar-Kitarović. Unatoč činjenici da je od 1991. nekoliko žena u Hrvatskoj obnašalo odgovorne političke funkcije, izborna kampanja a potom i pobjeda Kolinde Grabar-Kitarović, izazvali su lavinu internetskog folklora koji vabi za interdisciplinarnim pristupom. Poseban izazov za folkloriste predstavlja transgresivna priroda humora i satire, to jest transgresije kulturnih, moralnih i političkih normi u različitim diskursima – od humornog političkog aktivizma do satiričnih "provokacija". U radu se propituju pojmovi "uvredljivog" i "neuvredljivog" humora (od neslane šale do nedolične sprdnje), javnosti i protujavnosti, popularne i vernakularne kulture u digitalno doba, kao i folkloristička postavka da humorne žanrove obilježuju: estetska priroda, svojstvo transgresije i element igre. Folkloristički se pristup nadopunjuje feminističkom analizom sociokulturalnih, političkih i rodnih karakteristika odabranih humornih žanrova (posebice stand up performansa) u čijem je fokusu podrivanje binarnih rodnih kategorija. Obilje humornih odgovora na javne nastupe i izgled prve hrvatske predsjednice možemo tumačiti kao a) signal kraja jedne ere obilježene autoritarnim političarima i režimima vladanja; b) osnaživanje digitalne protujavnosti koja subvertira "matrifokalnu" nacionalističku i konzervativnu agendu i c) posljedicu neoliberalnog protuslovlja u kojem feminizaciju (devalvirane) političke sfere prati jačanje konzervativnih, rasističkih i homofobnih snaga u društvu.

En partant du postulat de Mieke Bal selon lequel seuls les discours procédant de la mémoire culturelle (littérature, historiographie, ethnographie, etc.) ont la capacité de communiquer et de modifier les moments difficiles du passé sur lesquels pèse un tabou, l'auteure examine ici des tentatives de révision féministe du rôle apolitique et opportuniste des femmes croates pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, tel qu'il transparaît dans l'œuvre de deux romancières croates contemporaines.

In a critical anthropological approach, a refugee camp is seen as a space of "humanitarian government" (Agier 2011), where it is primarily humanitarian organizations, social services and police that cooperate, whereas refugees are a "disquieting element" (Agamben 1998), non-subjects whose free will, freedom of movement, speech and expression of their personality is reduced to a minimum. As ethnographers and volunteers, we saw the transit camp in Slavonski Brod as an assemblage (Ramadan 2012) of space, time, practices and relationships that took place there, and whose dynamics was determined by legally unclear procedures of "triage" of refugees/migrants. The analysis focuses on the distribution tent which, despite being monitored, turned out to be the only place of "freedom" in the sense of conversational interaction and time and space management, both for refugees and volunteers. The predominant activity in the distribution tent was donating clothing and shoes to the refugees, which made us ethnologically rethink clothes as a cultural artefact and the non-verbal language which the refugees used to negotiate their identity and symbolically express their past, present and future. In addition to a description of abnormal normality of the distribution "bazaar" or "shopping center" as a globally recognizable genius loci, we also present autoethnographic reflections about the cultural, moral and emotional effects of unexpected meetings-events with the "ungraspable face of the other" (Lévinas 1991), which questions our existential and historical experience. ; Kritički antropološki pristupi vide kamp za izbjeglice kao prostor "humanitarnog upravljanja" (Agier 2011) u kojem ponajprije surađuju humanitarne organizacije, socijalne službe i policija dočim su izbjeglice "uznemirujući element" (Agamben 1998), nesubjekti čija se slobodna volja, sloboda kretanja i govora te izražavanja osobnosti svodi na minimum. Kao etnografkinje i volonterke doživjele smo tranzitni kamp u Slavonskom Brodu kao assemblage (Ramadan 2012) prostora, vremena, praksi i odnosa koji su se tamo odvijali i čiju su dinamiku određivale pravno nejasne procedure "trijažiranja" izbjeglica/migranata. U središtu je analize distribucijski šator koji se, unatoč nadziranom boravku, pokazao kao jedino mjesto "slobode" u smislu razgovorne interakcije te upravljanja vremenom i prostorom, kako za izbjeglice tako i za volontere. Prevladavajuća aktivnost u distribucijskom šatoru bila je donacija odjeće i obuće što nas je nagnalo da iznova etnološki promislimo odjeću kao kulturni artefakt i neverbalni jezik kojim izbjeglice pregovaraju svoj identitet te simbolički iskazuju svoju prošlost, sadašnjost i budućnost. Osim opisa nenormalne normalnosti distribucijskog "bazara" ili "shopping centra" kao globalno prepoznatljivog genius loci, izložile smo i autoetnografske refleksije o kulturnim, moralnim i emotivnim učincima nepredvidljivih susreta-događaja s "nedokučivim licem drugog" (Levinas 1991), koji dovodi u pitanje naše egzistencijalno i povijesno iskustvo.