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"The Divine Institution provides an account of how a theology of the family came to dominate a white evangelical tradition in the post-civil rights movement United States, providing a theological corollary to Religious Right politics. This tradition inherently enforces racial inequality in that it draws moral, religious, and political attention away from problems of racial and economic structural oppression, explaining all social problems as a failure of the individual to achieve the strong gender and sexual identities that ground the nuclear family. The consequences of this theology are both personal suffering for individuals who cannot measure up to prescribed gender and sexual roles, and political support for conservative government policies. Exposure to experiences that undermine the idea that an emphasis on the family is the solution to all social problems is causing a younger generation of white evangelicals to shift away from this narrow theological emphasis and toward a more social justice-oriented theology. The material and political effects of this shift remain to be seen"--

AbstractThis article asks how an anti‐racist, feminist anthropology can help us understand the expansion of the radical right, with a focus on the online white nationalist movement. It demonstrates how homophobia and anti‐feminism are two of many pathways into the online white nationalist movement. In effect, white nationalists work through online venues to racialize homophobia and anti‐feminism. They articulate a view of white racialization where gender and sexuality are central to ideas about biological and cultural superiority. Through tracing the linkages between gender, sexuality, and race in different ideations of the white nationalist movement, this article shows a continuity of these core ideas to white nationalism across different manifestations of the movement, even as the expression of them has changed. An aim of this article is to demonstrate the ways an anti‐racist, feminist anthropology provides tools to understand how concerns about gender animate this authoritarian movement.

ABSTRACTIn this article, I examine how US evangelical opposition to LGBT rights stems from a unique understanding of sexuality and the person. As my respondents explained to me in over sixteen months of field research, evangelical rejection of LGBT individuals and practices is rooted not simply in prejudice but also in a culturally specific notion of personhood that requires Christian bodies to orient themselves to the divine. In evangelical Christianity, the body, along with its capacity to feel and communicate, is understood as a porous vessel receptive to communication with God. In contrast to a dominant idea that sexual orientations shape individual identities, sexuality within this religious world instead facilitates the movement of moral forces across individual bodies and geographic scales. Sexual desires and sexual acts are broadly understood in evangelical cosmology as communicative mediums for supernatural forces. This understanding of sexuality as a central component of moral agency shapes widespread practices of ostracism of people who identify as LGBT within evangelicalism and often leads to anti‐LGBT political positions. Claiming an LGBT identity is seen as making one a distinct kind of person incommensurate with evangelical porosity. [evangelical, sexuality, embodiment, United States]

Populism and its others : after neoliberalism / Don Robotham -- Americanism, Trump, and uniting the white right / Sophie Bjork-James -- Make in India : Hindu nationalism, global capital, and "jobless growth" / Preeti Sampat -- Blue bloods, parvenus, and mercenaries : authoritarianism and political violence in Colombia / Lesley Gill -- Frustrations, failures and fractures : Brexit and 'politics as usual' in the UK / John Clarke -- Postsocialist populisms? / Gerald Creed and Mary N. Taylor -- Fascism, a haunting : spectral politics and resistance in twenty-first-century Italy / Lilith Mahmud -- Other people's race problem : Trumpism and the collapse of the liberal racial consensus in the United States / Jeff Maskovsky -- Euphemisms we die by : on epochal anxiety, necropolitics, and "green" authoritarianism in the Philippines / Noah Theriault -- Left populism in the heart of South America : from plurinational promise to a renewed extractive nationalism / Carwil Bjork-James -- "Fed Up" in Ethiopia : emotions, civics education and anti-authoritarian protest / Jennifer Riggan -- Islamophobic nationalism and attitudinal Islamophilia / Nazia Kazi.

The constitutionality of regulating corporate expenditures : a brief analysis of the Supreme Court ruling in Citizens United v. FEC -- Legislative options after Citizens United v. FEC : constitutional and legal issues -- Campaign finance policy after Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission : issues and options for Congress -- Testimony of Laurence H. Tribe ... -- Testimony of Monica Youn ... -- Supreme Court of the United States syllabus : Citizens United v. Federal Elections Commission.

Intro -- Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data -- Contents -- Preface -- The Constitutionality of Regulating Corporate Expenditures: A Brief Analysis of the Supreme Court Ruling in Citizens United v. FEC* -- Summary -- Background -- Lower Court Opinion -- Supreme Court Ruling -- Summary -- Analysis -- Dissent -- Impact on Federal Campaign Finance Law -- End Notes -- Legislative Options after Citizens United v. FEC: Constitutional and Legal Issues* -- Summary -- Background -- Impact of Citizens United on Current Federal Campaign Finance Law -- Legislation and Proposals in Response to Citizens United -- Increased Disclaimer Requirements19 -- Disclosure of Donors to 501(c) Organizations32 -- Shareholder Notification and Approval45 -- Restrictions on Foreign-Owned Corporations53 -- Foreign Corporations vs. Foreign-Owned Corporations under Election Law -- Redefining "Foreign Nationals" to Include Foreign-Owned Corporations -- First Amendment Rights -- Vagueness -- Conditioning Government Contracts or Grants on Forgoing Right to Political Speech95 -- "Unconstitutional Conditions" on the Receipt of Federal Funds -- Government Program Restrictions and "Government Speech" -- Governmental Interest Promoted by the Legislation -- Least Restrictive Means of Accomplishing Objective -- Other Government Interests or Narrower Tailoring Sufficient to Justify Restrictions Involving Government Contractors131 -- Taxation of Corporate Campaign-Related Expenditures145 -- Public Financing For Congressional Campaigns167 -- Constitutional Amendment174 -- End Notes -- Campaign Finance Policy after Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission: Issues and Options for Congress* -- Summary -- Introduction -- Background on Key Issues -- Legislative Action thus Far

AbstractWhile abortion foes in the United States rhetorically promote "life," discursive invocations of death are foundational to antiabortion advocacy. Pro‐life strategists have made gains mandating the mourning of aborted fetuses through fetal burial bills, which require abortion providers to cremate or bury fetal tissue from abortion procedures. Fetal burial bills are inextricably tied to biopolitical regimes that make and manage grievable life. Drawing on cultural anthropology, feminist social science, critical race theory, and long‐term research on white evangelicalism, this article examines government documents (e.g., Indiana statutes, court rulings, health reports, legislative activity, and state prosecutions) to provide a discursive critique of Indiana's fetal burial law. Constructions of aborted fetuses as grievable human life and the formations of personhood they promote undergird what anthropologist Leith Mullings called the necropolitics of reproduction—a framework explaining how reproduction is constitutive of political regimes that use systemic violence to determine who (or what) lives and dies. Legal conceptions of fetal personhood that hyper‐value fetal subjects entwine with systemic racism, Christian ideology, and anti‐environmentalism to diminish the Black and Brown bodies and environments on which their futures depend. This case is a bellwether for broader dynamics in anti‐abortion policy and activism in the post‐Roeera.

Drawing upon a cultural-historical reading of the witch, we discuss how modern capitalism is chronically haunted by obstreperous vestiges of what preceded it yet remains proficient in assimilating all that returns to challenge it. By adapting and extending a theoretical toolkit informed by Jacques Derrida and Mark Fisher, we trace market and state administrators' co-optation of the primeval witch figure and her ideological trappings: initially, to expropriate those who threatened incipient modernising structures; later, to provoke increasingly secularised subjects towards consumption; and eventually, to calibrate rather than obviate capitalist expansion so that it remains aligned with consumer interests. Introducing the new concepts of 'retrocorporation' and 'marketplace revenant', we discuss how long-foreclosed, ancient imaginaries become re-invoked and re-programmed to perpetuate capitalism's dominance. Our message for the nascent tradition of 'Terminal Marketing' is that the collision and collusion of past and future has the potential to ossify capitalist realism in the present.

This paper uses anti-LGBTQ bias within evangelical Christianity as a case study to explore how nationalist movements justify prejudicial positions through framing privileged groups as victims. Since Anita Bryant's late 1970s crusade against what was dubbed the "homosexual agenda," white evangelicals have led a national movement opposing LGBTQ rights in the United States. Through a commitment to ensuring sexual minorities are excluded from civil rights protections, white evangelicals have contributed to a cultural and legal landscape conducive to anti-LGBTQ structural violence. This opposition is most often understood as rooted in love, and not in bias or hate, as demonstrated during long-term ethnographic research among white evangelical churches in Colorado Springs. Engaging with theories of morality and nationalism, this article argues that most biased political movements understand their motivation as defending a moral order and not perpetuating bias. In this way they can justify structural violence against subordinated groups.