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In the subject literature, the terms "illegal migration" and "illegal migrant" encompass many categories of processes, people, and phenomena that have little to do with migration as a movement of people in space. This includes, most prominently, unauthorized employment and unauthorized residence in the receiving country. Both of these circumstances may be related to prior illegal migration, but do not necessarily have to be. The physical process of migration may have taken place entirely in accordance with the law. This is the starting point for the reconsideration of the standard migration terminology, as proposed in this paper. As three basic dimensions of illegality associated to date with migration analysis may focus on one person in as many as eight different combinations, this would require us to describe a single person using three different terms, which would quickly turn out to be inefficient. For practical reasons, the most convenient term is illegal migrant. Given its vague nature, however, the paper proposes to supplement this using the classification presented in the Migration Legality Cube encompassing eight types, depending on which group of migrants is in focus. This will make it easier for analysts and laymen alike to find their way in the ocean of uncertainty in which current debates on migration drift — and often founder.

The political situation of the Arctic still remains unstable. In the past decade, a combination of the specific regulations of the Convention on the Law of the Sea and the phenomenon of Arctic ice-cover shrinkage have produced a significant increase in the political activity of some of the countries interested in the region. It is commonly thought that the roots of the Arctic conflict lie in the abundant mineral resources, particularly petroleum and natural gas, that lie under the Arctic seabed. By analyzing geological data on the location of oil deposits and by taking into account the technological and macroeconomic conditions that must be fulfilled in order to exploit them, it is possible to conclude that the exploitation of these deposits will most likely not be attempted in the areas under dispute in the coming decades. This conclusion suggests that the motives behind the Arctic conflict are political, and not economic. ; À ce jour, la situation politique de l'Arctique demeure instable. Cette dernière décennie, les règlements spécifiques découlant de la Convention sur le droit de la mer, alliés au phénomène de la diminution de la couverture de glace arctique, se sont traduits par une activité politique considérablement accrue de la part de certains des pays intéressés par la région. On pense généralement que le conflit de l'Arctique est attribuable aux ressources minérales abondantes qui se trouvent sous le plancher océanique de l'Arctique, plus particulièrement le pétrole et le gaz naturel. À la lumière de l'analyse des données géologiques portant sur l'emplacement des gisements de pétrole et des conditions technologiques et macroéconomiques devant être remplies pour les exploiter, il est possible de conclure qu'il faudra vraisemblablement plusieurs décennies avant que l'exploitation de ces gisements ne soit entreprise dans les régions visées par le conflit. On en conclut donc que les motifs derrière le conflit de l'Arctique sont de nature politique, et non pas économique.

The article attempts to evaluate the rationale, for a joint or separate analysis of both types of migration in the European Union. First the author examines different types of migration barriers, reaching the conclusion, that since the countries' policies regulate the possibility of border crossing for its' own citizens and for foreigners, therefore in the international migration analysis the economic, social and psychological barriers are secondary to administrative and -political barriers. Next, the author discusses the ongoing integration process of EU countries in the area of standardization of both internal and international migration, in the context of legal regulations and their practical effects on the population flows between the EU countries. He concedes that, internal and international migrations within the EU may be treated with identical principles and analysed jointly. The following review of migration studies, supports further the view, that a dogmatic clinging to the distinction between internal and international migrations is in many cases unjustified. The author, however, does not rule out the possibility of the existence of such areas of migration research, in which separate examination of both migration categories makes sense, with regard to the existence of important institutional and political barriers.

AbstractA great deal of research has examined the degree to which migration acts as a regulator of labour supply and demand. This research considers the economic development potential of migration by examining whether replacement migration can be harnessed in peripheral locations to offset the loss of human capital resulting from emigration. The analysis focuses on Eastern Poland and includes data from Ukrainian migrants, Polish emigrants and Polish nationals. Our results suggest that Ukrainian labour migrants have the potential to operate as replacement migrants, offsetting the loss of human capital associated with the out‐migration of Polish nationals. However, there are two important caveats. First, the legal‐administrative framework must place labour migrants on equal footing with host nationals and develop a comprehensive integration strategy. Second, the wasted human capital associated with replacement migration must be acknowledged as a central cost of utilizing replacement migration as a development strategy.

The European Union countries have witnessed increasing importance of migration for years, while contribution of natural increase to population change has visibly diminished. This poses a great pressure on migration research. In particular, searching for migration determinants becomes more and more important. In the years 1986–1994, EU12 constituted a relatively stable group of countries, thus investigation of possible migration determinants for these countries could deliver promising results. Data published by Eurostat and data from national statistical institutes of individual countries, supplemented by estimates based on numerous theories and empirical evidence, constitute a basis for the analysis of migration determinants for NUTS 2 regions. Assuming that internal and international flows of migration are undertaken simultaneously, regression analysis is used to indentify the impact of carefully selected independent variables. The regression results show that economic variables, typical for migration studies, do not play an important role in determining migration, while general measures of the standard of living (number of cars per 1000 and household energy consumption), along with population density and long-term unemployment rate, explain net migrations at a satisfactory level. However, regressions run for selected countries allow for better explanation of net migration by variables considered. These results suggest that migration determinants vary between the EU12 countries and further research is needed, on factors affecting migration, in particular by referring to spatial and temporal integration of migration flows.